j| D’AUBIGN^l’S HISTOKY OP THE EEFOBMATION. mass, wWch appeared in 1520, he said : “ I can every day partake of the sacraments, if I only call to mind the words and promises I of Christ, and if I nourish and strengthen i my faith with them.” Neither Carlstadt, , 1 Zwingle, nor Calvin, have ever used stronger language than this. It would even appear j that the idea frequently occurred to him at 1 this period, that a symbolical explanation of i the Lord’s Supper would be the most power- i ful weapon to overturn the papal system 1 from top to bottom ; for he said in 1525, that j five years previously he had undergone many I severe temptations for this doctrine,^ and that the man who could have proved to him that there was only bread and wine in the eucharist, would have done him tlie greatest of services. But new circumstances threw him into an opposition, at times not unmingled with vio- lence, against those very opinions to which 1 he had made so near an approach. The i fanaticism of the Anabaptists explains the direction Luther now took. These enthusi- asts were not content with undervaluing what they called the external Word, that is, the Bible, and with pretending to special revela- tions from the Holy Ghost ; they went so far as to despise the sacrament of the Lord’s Supper, as something outward, and to speak of an inward communion as being the only true communion. From that time, in every attempt made to explain the doctrine of the Lord’s Supper in a symbolical manner, Luther saw onfy the danger of weakening the authority of the Holy &riptures ; of substituting arbi- trary allegories for their real meaning; of spiritualizing every thing in religion ; of making it consist, not in the gifts of God, but in the impressions of men : and of sub- stituting by this means for the true Cliris- tianity a mysticism, a theosophy, a fanati- cism, that would infallibly become its grave. We must acknowledge that, Jiad it not been for Luther’s violent opposition, the mystical, enthusiastic, and subjective tendency would then perhaps have made rapid progress, and would have turned back tlie tide of blessings that the Reformation was to spread over the world. Carlstadt, impatient at being prevented from explaining his doctrine freely in Wit- temberg, and urged by his conscience to combat a system which in his “ opinion lowered Christ’s death and destroyed his righteousness,” resolved “ to give a public testimony for the love of poor and cruelly deceived Christendom.” He left Wittem- berg at the beginning of 1524, without in- forming either the university or the chapter of his intentions, and renaired to the small town of Orlamund, the cnurch of which was placed under his superintendence. He had the incumbent dismissed, got himself nomi- nated pastor in his stead, and in despite of 1 leh h»bo wohl to harU Anfechtusfen da erUtten. L. Epp.U.677. 37 the chapter, the university, and the elector, established himself in this now post. ' He soon began to propagate Ids doctrine. “ Tt is impossible,” said he, “ to find in the real presence any advantage that doeff not proceed from faith ; ft is therefore useless.” In explaining Christ’s words at the institu- tion of the Lord’s Supper, he had recourse to an interpretation which is not admitted by the reformed Churches. Lutlier, in the disr putation at Leipsic, had explained these words ; Thou art Peter ^ arid on this rock I wiU build my Churchy by separating the two pro- positions, and applying the latter to our Saviour’s person. “ In like manner,” said Carlstadt, “ the words, take^ eat, refer to tlie bread ; but this is my body relates to Jesus Christ, who then pointed to fiimself, and intimated by the symbol of breaking the bread, that his body was soon to be broken.” Carlstadt did not stop here. He was scarcely emancipated from the guardianship of Luther, before he felt his zeal revive against tlie images. It was easy for his im- prudent discourses and his enthusiastic lan- guage to inflame men’s minds in these agi- tated times. The people, imagining they heard a second Elijah, broke the idols of Baal. The excitement soon spread to the surround- ing villages. The elector would have inter- fered; but the peasants replied that they ought to obey God ratlicr tlian man. Upon tliis, the prince determined to send Luther to Orlamund to restore peace. Luther regarded Carlstadt as a man eatcni up by a love of notoriety,^ — a fanatic who might be so far carried away as to make war on Christ him- self. Frederick might perhaps liave made a wiser choice. Luther departed, and Carl- stadt was fated to see this troublesome rival once more come and disturb liis plans of re- form, and clieck his soaring flight. Jena was on the road to Orlamund. Lu- ther reached this city on the 23d of August, and on the 24tli went into the pulpit at seven in the morning ; he spoke for an hour and a half in the presence of a numerous auditory against fanaticism, rebellion, the breaking of 1 images, and the contempt of the real pre- sence, inveighing most energetically against the innovations of Orlamund. He did not mention Carlstadt by name, but every one could see whom he had in view. Carlstadt, either by accident or design, was at Jena, and among the number of Luther’s hearers. He did not hesitate to seek an ex- planation of this sermon. Luther was dining. 1 with the prior of Wittemberg, the burgo- master, the town-clerk, the pastor of Jena, and several officers of the emperor and the margrave, when he received a note from Carlstadt demanding an interview ; he handed it to his neighbours, and replied to the bearer : If Doctor Caristadt wishes to come to me, let him come ; if not, I can do 1 Huo perpulit eum intikn* glorlit Uudls libido. L Epp. U. 551. '0 HrSTOBT OP THE EE FORM ATI ON • OF iiis. SIXTEENTH CENTURY. Br J. H. MERLE D’AUBIGNE, D.D., PRBSIDBUT OP THE THEOLOGICAL SCHOOL OP GENEVA'^ AND yiCE-PBESIDBNT OP THE SOCIETY EYANGELIQUE : VOLUMES I. TO IV. VOLUMES I., II., AND III., TRANSLATED BY H. WHITE, B.A. TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE, U.A. AND PH. DR HEIDELBERG, AND CAREFULLY REVISED BY THE AUTHOR, WHO HAS MADE NUMEROUS IMPORTANT ADDITIONS NOT TO BE FOUND IN ANY OTHER TRANSLATION ; AND VOL. IV. BEING THE ENGLISH ORIGINAL BY DR. D’AUBIGNI^, ASSISTED BY DR. WHITE. LONDON: RELIGIOUS TRACT SOCIETY, Instituted 1799. PUBLISHED BY OLIVER & BOYD, EDINBURGH, RM tC L IBrVARY Acc No No Cia- BK'Ca-d" 'CheckN' J'appelle accesfioire, I'estat des affaires de ceste vie caduqne et transitoire. J*appelle principal, le gouvcrnement spirituel auquel reliiit souverainemeut la providence de Dieu.— Thtodort de Beze, By acccRfiory, I mean the state of affairs in this frail and transitory life ; by principal, the spiritual governinent in which God's providence rules supreme.*— 7'lieo-The Gospel at Lucerne— Oswald perse- cuted— Zwingle’s Preaching— Henry Bulllnger and Gerold of Knonau— Rubll at Basle— The Chaplain of the Hos- pital-War in Italy— Zwingle protests against the Capitu- lations, 286 CHAPTER IV. Zwingle to Erasmus— Oswald Myconlus— The Robbers— CEool am padius— Zwingle at Marlgnan— Zwingle and Italy —Zwingle’s Method— Commencement of the Reform— Dis- covery— Passage from one World to the other, . 263 CHAPTER V. Our Lady of Einsldlen— Zwingle’s Call— The Abbot— Gerold- sek— A learned Society— The Bible copied— Zwingle and Superstition — First Opposition to Error-Sensation— Hedio— Zwingle and the Legates— The Honours of Rome— The Bishop of Constance— Samson and the Indulgences— Stapfer— Zwbgle's Charity— His Friends, . 268 CHAPTER VI. The Canons' College— Election to the Cathedral— Fable- Accusations— Zwingle’s Confession— Development of God's Purposes— Farewell to Einsldlen— Arrival at Zurich — Zwingle’s bold Declaration— First Sermons— Their Effect — Opposition — Zwinglo’s Character — Taste for Music — Arrangement of the Day— The Book-hawker, . 272 CHAPTER VII. CHAPTER XI. Zwingle opposes Human Traditions— Commotion during Lent- Truth triumphs amidst Opposition— The Bishop’s Deputies— Accusation before the Clergy and the Council- Appeal to the Great Council— The Coadjutor and Zwingle — Zwingle’B Reply— Decree of the Great Council— Posture ofAffalra— Hoffman’s Attack, ... 290 CHAPTER XII. Mourning and Joy in Germany— Plots against Zwingle— The Blsliop’s Mandate— Archeteles— The Bishop's Appeal to the Diet— Injunction against attacking tlie Monks— Zwlngle’s Declaration— The Nuns of (Etenbach— Zwingle's Address to Hohwytz, 293 CHAPTER XIII. A French Monk— lie teaches in Switzerland— Dispute be- tw'ccn Zwingle and the Monk— Discourse of tlie Com- mander of the Juhannites— The Carnival at Berne— The Eaters of the Dead- The Skull of St. Anne— Appenzol —The Orisons— Murder and Adultery— Zwingle’s Mar- riage, 295 The Indulgences— Samson at Berne and at Baden— The Dean of Brcmgarten— Young Henry Bulllnger— Samson and the Doan— Zwingle’s internal Struggles- Zwingle opposes the Indulgences— Samson is sent back, . . 276 CHAPTER VIII. Zwingle’s Tolls and Fatigue— The Baths of Pfefibrs— The Moment of God— The Great Death— Zwingle attacked by the Plague — His Adversaries — His Friends— Con vales- cence— General Joy— Effects of the Pestilence— Mycoiiiiis CHAPTER XIV. How the Truth triumphs— Meeting at Einsldlen— Petition to the Bishop and Confederates— The Men of Einsldlen he Council of the Diet— Haller at the Town- hall— Friburg— Oswald’s Destitution -Zwingle consoles him— Oswald quits Lucerne— The Diet’s first Act of Seve- rity— Conetematlon of Zwingle's Brothers— Zwingle's Re- solution— The Future— Zwingle's Prayer, . 299 Boparaie— Hoei —The Strengt to Lucerne-^ In a Convent— Dinner with Myconitit— of the Reformers— Effbct of the Petitions CONTENTS TO VOLUME THIRD, BOOK IX. FIRST REFORMS. 1521 AND 1522. CHAPTER 1. Progress of the Boformstlon— Now Perlod—UseftilneBS of Luther’s Captivity in the Wartburg^Agitation in Oer many— Melancthon and Luther—Enthusiasm, Page 309 CHAPTER II. Luther in the Wartburg— Object of his Captlvlty-tAnxiety— Sickness— Luther’s Labours— On Confession —Reply to Latomus— Ills dally Walks, .... 312 CHAPTER III. Commencement of the Reform— Marriage of Peldklrchen— Tlie Marriage of Monks— Theses— Tract against Mona- chism— Luther no longer a Monk, . . 315 CHAPTER IV. Archbishop Albert— The Idol of Halle— Luther’s Indigna. tion— Alarm of the Court— Luther’s Letter to the Arch- bisliop— Albert’s Reply— Joachim of Brandenburg, Slfi CHAPTER V. Translation of the Bible— Wants of the Church— Principles of tlie Reformation— Temptations of the Devil— Luther's Works condemned by the Sorboune— Melancthon’s Reply —Luther Visits Wittemberg, CHAPTER VI. Fresh Reforms— Gabriel ZwiUing on the Mass— The Univer- sity— Melancthon’s Propositions— The Elector— Monastic Institutions attacked— Emancipation of the Monks— Dis- turbances— Chapter of the Augustine Monks— Carlstadt and the Mass— First Celebration of the Lord’s Supper- Importance of the Mass in the Romish System, 322 CHAPTER VII. False Reform— The New Prophets— The Prophets at Wit- temberg— Melancthon— The Elector— Luther— Carlstadt and the Images— Disturbances— Luther is called for— He does not hesitate— Dangers, . . Page 329 CHAPTER VIII. nurture from the Wartburg^New Position— Lather and Primitive Catholicism — Meeting at the Black Bear— Luther’s Letter to the Elector— Return to Wittemberg— Sermon at Wittemberg— Charity— The Word— How tho Reformation was brought about— Faith in Christ— Its Effects— Dldyraus— Carlstadt— The Prophets— Interview with Luther— End of the Struggle, . . .330 CHAPTER IX. Translation of the New Testament— Faith and Scripture- Opposition— Importance of this Publication— Necessity for a systematic Arrangement— Melancthon’s Loci Com- munes— Original Sin— Salvation— Free Will- Eflfccts of the Loci Communes, 337 CHAPTER X. Opposition— Henry VIII.— Wolsey— The Queen— Fisher- Sir Thomas More— Luther’s Books burnt— Henry’s attack on Luther— Presented to the Pope— Us Bflfect on Luther —Energy and Violence— Luther’s Reply— Answer by the Bl.shop of Rochester— Reply of Sir Thomas More— Henry’s Proceedings, . , . . . . 340 CHAPTER XL General Movement — The Monks— How tho Reformation was carried on— Unlearned Believer— Tho Old and tho New Doctors— Printing and Literature— Bookselling and Colportage 315 CHAPTER xir. Luther at Zwickau— The Castle of Preyberg— Worms— Frankfort— Universal Movement— Wittemberg the Centre of the Reformation— Luther’s Seutiments, , 34o ROOK X. AGITATION, REVERSES, AND PROGRESS. 1522 — 1526. CHAPTER I. Political Element— Want of Enthusiasm at Rome— Siege of Pam pelun a— Courage of Ignatius— Transition— Lullior and Loyola— Visions— Two Principles, . Page 351 CHAPTER IV. Persecution— Exertions of Duke George— Tho Convent at Antwerp— Mlltenbcrg— The Three Monks of Antwerp— The Scaffold— The Martyrs of BrusseJs, . Poge 360 CHAPTER II. Victory of the Pope— Death of Leo X.— The Oratory of Di- vine Love— Adrian VI.— Plan of Reform— Opposition, 355 CHAPTER III. , CHAPTER V. The New Pope, Clement VIT.-The Legato Campegfl^ Diet of Nuremberg-Demand of the Lcgate-Renly of the Diet— A Secular Council projected-Alarm and Exertions of the Pope-Bavaria-Lcague of Ratlsbon-Campegglo’s Dishonesty— Severity and Reforms— Political Schism- Opposition— Intrigues of Rome— Decree of Burgos— R^ Diet of Nuremberg— Soliman’s Invasion— Tho Nunolo calls for Luther’s Death— The Nuremberg Prcacliers— Promise f»*0]f®—The Nuncio’s Alarm— Grievances of the Na- Hon— Decree of the Diet— Fulminating Letter of the Popc-Luther’s Advice, .... 356 CHAPTER VI. Persecution— Gaspard Tauber— A Bookseller-Oracltles In Wurtemberg, Salzburg, and Bavarla-Pomerania-Hen^ ^ Xll CONTENTS. CHAPTER VII. Divisions— The Lord's Supper— Two Extremes— Iloen’s Dlsoovory— Wossel on the Lord’s Supper— Oarlstadt—Lu- ther^Mysticism of the Anabaptists— Garlstadt at Orla* mund— Luther’s Mission— Interview at Table— The Confer- ence of Orlamuud— Oarlstadt Banished, . Fa^e 368 CHAPTER VIII. Proirress— Resistance against the Batisbonn>agoers— Meet- ing between Philip of Hesse and Melancthon— The Land- grave converted to the Gospel— The Palatinate— Luneburg —Holstein— The Grand-Master at Wtttemberg. . 372 CHAPTER IX. Reforms— All-Salnts Church— Fall of the Mass— Learning— Christian Schools— Learning extended to the Laity- The Arts — Moral Religion — Esthetical Religion — Music — Poetry— Painting, 374 CHAPTER X. Political Ferment — Luther against Rebellion — Thomas Muuzer— Agitation— Tho Black Forest— The Twelve Ar- tioles— Luther's Opinion— Helfonsteln— March of the Peasants— March of the Imperial Army— Defeat of the Peasants— Cruelty of the Princes, . Page 377 CHAFfER XI. Mnnzer at Mul hausen— Appeal to the People— March of the Princes— End of the Revolt— Influence of the Reformers— SaflFbrlngs— Changes— Two Results, . 382 CHAPTER XII. Death of the Elector Frederick— The Prince and the Re- former— Roman-catholic Alliance— Plans of Charles tly» Fifth— Dangers, . . . . . . 385 CHAPTER XIII. The Nuns of NImptsch— Luther’s'Sentlments— The Convent dissolved— Luther’s Marriage— Domestic Happiness, 387 CHAPTER XIV. The Landgrave— The Elector— Prussia— Reformation— Se- cularixatlon— Tho Archbishop of Montz— Conference at FrIcdwalt—DIet— Alliance of Torgau— Resistance of tho Reformers— Alliance of Magdeburg— Tho Catholics re- double their Exertions— The Emperor’s Marriage— Threat- euing Letters— The Two Parties, ... 389 BOOK XL DIVISIONS. SWlTZh^RLAND GERMANY. 1523 — 1527. CHAPTER I. Unity in Diversity— Primitive Fidelity and Liberty— For- mation of Romish Unity— Leo Juda and the Blouk— Zwlngle’B Theses— The Disputation of January, Page 393 CHAPTER II. Papal Temptations— Progress of tho Reformation— The Idol . at Stadelhofen — Sacrilege — The Ornaments of the Saints 395 CHAPTER III. The Disputation of Octobei— Zwinglc on the Church— The Church— Commencement of Presbyterianism— Discussion on the Mass— Enthusiasts— The Language of Discretion —Victory— A Characteristic of the Swiss Reformation- Moderation— Oswald Mycoulus at Zurich— Revival of Li- terature— Thomas Plater of tho Valais, . . 397 CHAPTER IV. Diet of Lucerne— Hottlnger arrested— Ills Death— Deputa- tion from the Diet to Zurich— Abolition of Religious Pro- cessions— Abolition of Images— The Two Reformations— Appeal to the People^ . .400 CHAPTER V. New Opposition— Abduction of (Exlln— The Family of the 'Wirths— The Populace at the Convent of Ittlngen— The Diet of Zi^— The Wirths apprehended and given up to the Diet— Their Condemnation, ... 403 CHAPTER VI. Abolition of the Mass— Zwlngle’s Dream— Celebration of tlm Lord’s Supper— Fraternal Charity— Original SIu— The Oligarchs opposed to the Reform— Various Attacks, 406 CHAPTER VIL Berne— The Provost Wattevillo— First Successes of the Re- formed Doctrines— Mailer at the Convent— A cciisation and Deliverance— The Monastery of Kdnigsfcldl— Margo- ret Wattcvllle to Zwinglc— Tho Convent oi»enod— Two Champion*— Clara May and the Provost Wattcvllle, 408 CHAPTER VIII. Basle— G’Jcolampadlns— He visits Augsburg— Enters a Con- vent-Retires to iSickingen’s Castle— Beturus to Basle— — Iflrlch Hiitten— His Plans— Last ElVort of Chivalry— lilitten dies at Ufnau, .... Pago 411 CHAPTER IX. Erasmus and Luther— Vacillations of Erasmus- Luther to Erasmus — Erasmus’s Treatise against Lutlier on Free Will— Three Opinions— Effect upon Luther— I.uther on Free Will— Tlie Jaiisenlsts and the Reformers- Homage to Jirasmus— Ills Auger— The Three Days, 413 CHAPTER X. The Three Adversaries— Source of Truth— Anabaptisin— Anabaytism and Zwingle— Constitution of tho Church- Prison — The Prophet P.laurock — Anabaptlsm at Saint Gall— An Anabaptist Parally— Discussion at Zurlcli— Tho Limits of the Refoiinatiou— Punishment of the Anabap- tists, *18 CHAFTER XI. Progression and Immobility— Zwingle and Luther— The Ne- thcrlanders at Zurich— Result of Zwlngle’s Inquiries— Lutiier’s Return to Scholasticism— Respect for Tva»Utloii -Occam— Contrary Tendency in Zwingle— BcginiilnK of the Controversy— OScolampadius. and the Swabiau Syn- grammo— Strusburg mediates, . . 421 CHAPTER XII. The Tockenburg— An Assembly of the People-Reformation —The Grlsons— Disputation at Ilantz— Results— Refor- mation at Zurich .426 CHAPTER Xftl. The Oligarchs— Deputation to Berne— Bernese Mandate of 1626 in favour of the Papacy— Discussion at Padon— Regu- lations of the Discussion— Riches and Poverty— Bek and Oilcolampadius— Discussion— Zwingle’s Share in tlio Dis- cussion— V’aunts of the Romanists— Abusive Language of a Monk— Close of the Disputation, . . 427 CHAPTER XIV. Oonsequences at Basle. Berne, Saiat Gall, and other Places —Diet at Zurich— The small 'Bautons— Threats against Berne— Foreign Support, ... 430 CONTENTS. BOOK XII. THE FBEKCH. CHAPTEB I. U^irersality of Ohrlstlanlty^Enemles of tho Refonn In Prance— Heresy and Persecution in Dauphlny— A country Mansion— Tho Farel Family— PilffrimaKo to the Holy Cross— Immorality and Superstition— William desires to become a Student, .... Page 432 CHAPTER ir. Louis XII. and the Assembly of Tours— Francis and Mar- garet— Learned Men— Lofovre— His Courses at the Uni- versity— Meetlne between Lefevre and Parel— Farel’s Hesitation and Researches— First Awakening— Lefevre’s Prophecy— Teaches Justification by Faith— OWeetions— Disorder of tho Colleges- -Effects on Farol— Election— Sanctilicatiou of Life, 435 CHAPTER III. Parel and tho Saints— The University— Farel's Conversion —Farel and Luther— Other Disciples— Dale of tho Re- form in Prance— Spontaneous Rise of the different Re- forms— Which was the first f— Leferro’s Place, . 440 CHAPTER IV. Character of Francis I.— Commencement of Modern Times —Liberty and Obedience— Margaret of Valois— The Court — BrWonnet, Count of Montbriin— Lefevre commends him to the Bible— Francis I. and “ his Oliildron Tho Gospel brought to Margaret— Conversiou-Adoration-Margaret's Character, 442 CHAPTER V. Enemies of the Reformation— Louisa— Duprat— Concordat of Bologna— Opposition of the Parliament and tho Unl- versUy— Tho Sorbonne— Beda— His Character— His Ty- ranny— Bermiin, the most learned of the Nobility— Tho lntr!giicr,s ot the Sorbonne— Heresy of tho three Magda- lens— Luther condemned at Paris— Address of the Sor- bonue to the King— Lefevre quits Paris for Meauz, 445 CHAPTER VI. Briconnet visits his Diocese— Reform— The Doctors perse- cuted in Paris— Pliiliberta of Savoy— Correspondence be- tween Margaret and Brl^onnct, ... 449 CHAPTER VII. Rwlnnlng of the Church at Meaux— The Scriptures in French— The Artisans and the Bishop— Evangelical Har- vest— Tho Epistles of St. Paul sent to the King— Lefevre and Roma- The Monks before the Bishop— Tlie Monks before the Parliament— Brlconnet's first fall— Lefevre and Farel— Persecution— Francis Lambert— His Noviciate and ApobtoUo Labours— Uis Early Struggles— He quits Avig- non, 452 CHAPTER VIII. Leftvre and Parel persecuted— Difference between tho Lu- cneran .and Reformed Churches- Leolero posts up his Placards— Leolero branded— Berquin's Zeal- Borquin be- 1500— 1526. fore the Parliament— Rescued ^ Francis I.— MazurlePs Apostacy— Pall and Remorse of Pavanne— Metz— Agrippa and Ohatelaln— Lambert at Wittemberg— Bvangolioal Press at Hamburg— Lambert marries— He longs to return to France— The liOts— Peter Toussalnt becomes atten- tive— Leclerc breaks the Images-Iieclerc’s Condemnation and Torture— Martyrdom of Chatelain— Flight, Page 457 CHAPTER IX. Farel and his Brothers— Farel expelled from Gap— He preaches in the Fields— The Kniglit Anemond of Coct— Tho Minorite— Anemond quits ^anoe— Luther to the Duke of Savoy— Farel quits Franco, . . 464 CHAPTER X. Catholicity of the Reformation— Friendship between Farel and (Ecolampadius— Farel and Erasmus— Altercation— Farel demands a Disputation— Theses— Scripture and Faith— Discussion, • .... 467 CHAPTER XI. New Campaign— Farcl’s Call to the Ministry— An Outpost —Lyons— Sebvlllo at Grenoble— Conventicles— Preaching atLyons—Maigret in Prison— Margaret intimidated, 470 CHAPTER XII. The French at Basle— Encouragement of the Swiss— Fears of Discord— Translating and Printing at Basle— Bibles and Tracts dUsemlnatcd in France, . . 473 CHAPTER XIII. Progress at JrontbcHard—Resi, stance and Commotion— Toussalnt leaves O^colampadius— The Imago of Saint Anthony— Death of Anemond— Strasbur^j—Lambert’s Letter to Francis I.— Successive Defeats, . 475 CHAPTER XIV. Francis made Prisoner at Pavia— MargarePs anxiety for her Brother-Allegorical Letter— Reaction against the Reformation— Louisa consults the Sorbonne— Commission against the Heretics— Charges against BrlQonnct— The Faculty of Paris— Tho Bishop’s Alarm- Appeals to tho Parliament— Temptation— His second fall— Consequences -Recantation— BrlSonnet and FOnelon— Lefevre accused —Condemnation and Flight— Lefevre at Strasburg— Louis M in imprisoned- Erasmus attacked— He appeals to ng and the Emperor— Esch imprisoned— Senneh at Nancy— His Martyrdom— Beda’s Struggle with Caroli— Sorrow of Pavanno— His Martyrdom— A Christiau Hermit -Concourse at Notre Dame 479 CHAPTER XV. A Student of Noyon-Oharacter of young Calvta-^rly Mucatlon— Consecrated to Theology— The Bishop glyea him the Tonsure— He leaves Noyon on Acwiint of the Plague- The Two Calvlns-^lanacrs— The Reformation creates new Languages— Persecution and Tefror- Marga- ret’s Letter to her Brother-Toussalnt put in Prison-Tho Persecution more furious— Death of Du Blot, Moulin, and Paplllon-God saves the Church— Margaret’s Project— Her Departure for Spain, .... 489 CONTENTS TO VO.LUME FOURTH. BOOK XIIl. THE PROTEST AND THE CONFERENCE:. 1526 1529. CHAPTER I. . CHAPTER V. Twofold Movement of Reform-Reform the Work of God— Flnt Diet of Spires- Palladium of Reform — Firmness of the Reformers— Proceedings of the Diet— Report of the pommissloners— The Papacy painted and described by Luther— The Destruction of Jerusalem— Instructions of Seville— Ohange of Policy— Holy League— Religious Liber- id— Crisis of thb Reformation, . Page 499 ty proposed- Alliance betvreen Charles aud Clement VII.— Omens— Hos- tility of the Papists— Arbitrary Proposition of Charles- Resolutions of the Diet— The Reformation in Danger- Decision of the Princes— Violence of Ferdinand— The Schism completed, .... Page 617 CHAPTER VI. CHAPTER II. Italian War— The Emperor’s Manifesto— March on Rome— Revolt of the Troops— The Sack of Rome— German Hu- mours— Violence of the Spaniards— Clement VII. capitu- lates, 503 CHAPTER III. Profitable Calm— Constitution of the Church— Philip of Hesse— The Monk of Marburg— Lambert’s Paradoxes— Friar Boniface— Disputation at Hamburg— Triumph of the Gospel in Hesse- 'Constitution of the Church— Bishops —Synods— Two Elements of the Church— Luther on the Ministry— Organization of the Church— Luther’s Contra- dictions on State Interference— Luther to the Elector- German Mass— Melancthon’s Instructions— Dlsaifection —Visitation of the Reformed Churches— Results— The Reformation advances— Elizabeth of Brandenburg, m CHAPTER IV. Edict of Ofen — Persecutions— Wlnchler, Carpenter, and Keyser— Alarm in Germany— Pack’s Forgery— League of the Reformed Princes— Advice of the Reformers— Luther’s Paclflo Council— Surprise of the Papist Princes— Pack’s Scheme not improbable— Vigour of the Reformation, 613 Tho Protest— Principles of the Protest— Supremacy of the Ctospcl— Christian Union— Ferdinand rglects the Protest —Attempt at Conciliation— Exultation of the .Papists— Evangelical Appeal— Christian Unity a Reality— Dangers of the Protestants— The Protestants leave Spires— The Princes the True Reformers— Germany and Reform, 620 CHAPfER VII. Union ncccR.sary to Reform— Luther’s Doctrine on the Lord’s Supper— A Lutheran Warning— Proposed Confer- ence at Marburg— Melancthon and Zwingle— Zwingle leaves Zurich— Rumours in Zurich— The Reformers at Marburg— Carlstadt’s Petition— Preliminary Discussions —Holy Ghost— Original Sin— Baptism— Lulner, Molanc* thon, and Zwingle — Opening of the Conference — The Prayer of the Church— Hoc cst Corpus Meum— Syllogism of (Ecolampadius— The Flesh profiteth nothing— Lam- b Tt convinced— Luther’s Old Song— Agitation in the Conference— Arrival of now Dcputie.s— Christ’s Humanity finite— Mathematics and Popery— Testimony of tho Fa. them— Testimony of Augustine— Argument of the Velvet Cover— End of the Conference— The Landgrave mediates —Necessity of Union— Luther rejects Zwlngle’s Hand- Sectarian Spirit of the Germans— Bucor’s Dlletnina — Christian Charity prevails— Luther’s Report — Unity of Doctrine— Unity in Diversity-Signatures— Two Extremes —Three Views— Germ of Popery— Departure — Luther’s Dejection— Turks before Vienna— Luther’S'Battle-.Sermon and Agony— Luther's Firihness— Victory— Exasperation of the rapists— Threatening Prospects, . . 624 BOOK XIV. THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. — 1530. CHAPTER I. Two strlkiM Lessons— Charles V. in Italy— The German Envoys- Their Boldness— The Landgrave’s Present— The Envoys under Arrest— Their Release and Departure- Meeting of Charles and Clement— Gattlnara’s Proposition —Clement’s Arms— War imminent— Luther’s OWcctioiis— The Saviour is comincr— Cliarles’s Conciliatory Language —The Emperor’s Motives, Pago 637 CHAPTER II. The Coronation— The Emperor made a Deacon— Tho Ro- mish Church and the State— Alarm of the Protestants— —Luther advocates Passive Resistance— Brllck’s' noble Advice— Articles of Faith prepared— LutheFs Strong lower— Luther at Coburg— Charles at Innspruck— Two Parties at Court— Gattinarar— The King of Denmark won over by Charles— Piety of the Elector— wiles of the Roman- ists 641 CHAPTER III. Attgsbwo^he Gospel Preached— The EmperuFs Message —The Sermons prohibited— Firmness of the Elector— The FileotoFs RoDly— Preparation of the Confession— Luther’s Sinai— His Son and his Father— LutheFs Mcrrlmeht— LuthoFs Diet at Coburg— Saxony, a Paradise below— To the Bishops— Travail of the Church— Cliarles— The Pope’s Letter— Melancthon on Fasting— The Church, the Judge —The Landgrave’s catholic Spirit, . Page 646 CHAPTER IV. Agitation in Augsburg— Violence of tho Imperialists — diaries at Munich-Uharlcs’s Arrival — The Nuncio’s UlcBsing— Tho Imperial Procession— Charles’s Appear- ance— Enters Augsbtirg— Te Dcum— The Benediction- Charles desires the Sermons to bo discontinued— Bran- denburg offers his Head— The EmperoFs Request for Corpus Christ!— Refusal of the Princes— Agitation of Charles— The Princes oppose Tradition— Procession of Corpus Christ!— Exasperation of Charles, . 660 CHAPTER V. The Sermons prohibited— Compromise proposed and ac- cepted— The Herald— Curiosity of the Citizens— The new Preachers — The Medley of Popery—Luthcr encourages the Princes— Venl Spintns— Mass of the Holy Ghost- The Sermon— Opening of the Diet— The BlectoFs Prayer -Insidious Plan of the Romanists— Valdez and Melanc- thon— No Public DiscussloibBEvangeliosi firmness pre- vails, . 664 CONTENTS. CHAPTER VI. Th6 Bleetor'i Zoal^TheSlgningof the CtonfesBion— Courage of the Princes-'Melancthon'B WeaknesB-^The Legate’s Speech— Delaya— The OonfeBBion In Danger-The Proteat- ants are firm — Melancthon’s Despondency— Luther^ Prayer and Anxiety— Luther’s lextB— ilis Letter to Mo- lancthon— Faith, .... Page 659 CHAPTER VII. The 26th June 1530— The Palatlno Oliapel— Beoolleotions ^nd Contrast— The Confession— Prologue— Justlftoatlon— ’The Church- Free Will and Works-Palth— Interest of the Hearers— The Princes become Preachers- The Confes- sion— Abuses— Church and State— The two Oovornments — Fipllogue — Argumentation — Prudence — Church and State— The Svora— Moderate Tone of the Confession— Its Defects— A new Baptism, .... 503 CHAPTER VIII. Effoct on the Romanists— Luther demands Religious Liber- His dominant Idea— Song of Triumph— Ingenuous Confessions— Hopes of the Protestants— Failure of the Popish Intrigues- The Emperor's Council— Violent Dis- cussions— A Refutaliou proposed— Its Authors— Rome and the Civil Power— Perils of the Confessors- Melancthon’a Minimum— The Emperor's Sister— Melancthon's Fall— Luther opposes Concession— The Legate repels Melanc- thon — The Pope’s Decision — Question — Melancthon's School-matters— Answer, .... 668 tions of the Consistory— The Prayers of the Church- Two mult in Augsburg, Page 574 CHAPTER X. Philip of Hesse-Temptatlon-Unlon reslsted-The Land- S ave's Dissimulation- The Emperor's Order to the Pro- Speeches-Resolu- won of Philip of Hesse— Flight from Augsburg— Discovery —Charles’s Emotion— Revolution in the Die^Metamor- phosis— Unusual Moderation— Peace ! Peace ! . 680 CHAPTER XI. The Mixed Commission— The Three Points— Romish Dis- simulation— Abuses— Concessions— The Main Question- Bishops and Pope conceded- Danger of Concession— Op- position to the pretended Concord— Luther’s opposing Letters— The Word above the Church- Melancthon’s Blindness— Papist Infatuation— A new Commission- Be Men and not Women— The Two Phantoms— Concessions —The Three Points— The great Antithesis— Failure of Conciliation— The Gordian Knot— A Council granted— Charles's Summons— Menaces— Altercations— Peace or Wat— Romanism concedes— Protestantism resists— Lu- ther recalls his Friends,: 684 CHAPTER XII. CHAPTER IX. The Refutation— Charles’s Dissatisfaction— Interview with the Princes— The Swiss at Augsburg— Tetrapolitan Con- fession— Zwingle's ConfesMon— Afflicting Divisions— The Elector’s Faith— His Peace-yffhe Lion’s Skin— The Refu- tatiou— One Gonoession— Scnpiure and the Hierarchy— The Elector's Preparatives and Indignation— Recess of Augsburg— Irritating Language— Apology of the Confes- sion— Intimidation— Final Interview— Messages ofTeace— Exasperation of the Papists— Restoration of Popery— Tu- mult in the Church— Union of the Churches— The Pope and the Emperoi— Close of the Diet— Armaments— Attack on Geneva— Joy of the Evangelicals— Establishment of Protestantism, ...... 691 BOOK XV. SWITZERLAND — CONQUESTS. 1 526 — 1580. CHAPTER I. CHAPTER V. Originality of the SwissReform— Change— Three Periods of Reform— Switzerland Romaiidc— The two Movements In the Church— Aggressive Spirit— The Schoolmaster— Fa- xel’s new Baptism— Mysticism and Scholasticism— A Door is opened— (Opposition— Lausanne— Manners of the Clergy — Farel to Oaleotto— Farel and the Monk- The Tribunal —The Monk cries for Pardon— Opposition of the Ormonds —A false Oonvort-^hristian Unity, . Pago 690 CHAPTER II. stale— Religion in Bemo— Irresolution of Berne— Almanack of Heretics— Evangelical Majority— Haller— Zwluglc’s Slg- naV— Anabaptists in Berne— Victory of the Gospel— Papist Provocations— The City Companies— rr«mosod Disputa- tion— Objections of the Forest Cantons— Tlie Church, the Judge Of Controversies— Unequal Contest— Zwingle— A Ohrutian Band— The Oordolicrs’ Church— Opening of the Conference— The sole Head— Unity of Error— A Priest con- verted at the Altar— St. Vincent's Day— The Butchers— A strange Argument— Papist Bitterness— Necessity of Re- form— Zwingle’s Sermon— Visit of the King of kings— Edict of Reform— Was the Reformation PolitlcAl f 0(X1 CHAPTER III. The Reform acc^ted by the People— Faith, Purity, and Charity— First Evangolioal Communion— Bernese Propo- sition to the Diet— Cavern, and Head of Beatus— Threat- ening Storm from the Mountains— Revolt— Oonfusiou in crosses the Brunlg— Energy of Berne —Victory— Political Advantages, . . . 6U8 CHAPTER IV. , Gall— Nuns of St. Catherine— Roforma- ana sne unine iiistrict— A Popisb MiracK “}®~“2eal of the Citizens— O^olampadic Measures- 612 Crisis In Basle— Half-measures rejected— Reformed Propo- sitions— A Night of Terror— Idols broken In the Cathedral —The Hour of Madness— Idols broken in all the Churches — Reform legalized— Erasmus In Basle— A Treat Trans- formation-Revolution and Reformation, . Page 614 CHAPTER VI. Farel’s Commission— Parol at Lausanne and Moral— Neuf- chatel— Farel preaches at Serrlfire— Enters Neufchatol— Sermon— The Monk!}— Farcl’s Preaching— Popery In Neuf- chatel— Cnnons and Monks unite— Farel at Morat and in the Vully— Reformation of the Bishopric of Basic —Farel again in Neufchatol— Placards-The. Hospital Chapel— Civil Power Invoked by the Romanists, 618 CHAPTER VII. Valangln— Gulllemette de Vergy— Farel goes to the Val de Rnz— The Mass interrupted— Parol dragged to the River —Farel In Prison— Apostles and Reformers compared— Farel preaching at Neufchatel— Installed in the (Jathedral —A Whirlwind sweeps over the People— The Idols de- stroyed— Interposition of the Governor— Triumph of the Reformed, .... .622 CHAPTER VIII. The Romanists demand a Ballot-The Bernese in Favour of the Reform— Both Parties come to the Poll— The Prud- hommos of Neufchatel-Proposed Delay-TIie Romanists grasp the Sword— The Voting— Majority for Reform— Protestantism perpetual-^he Imj«e of Saint ,^hn— A Miracle— Retreat of the Canons— ropery and the Gos- pel, CHAPTER IX. land characterized— Gathering Tempest, . xyi ^ CONTENTS. BOOK XVL SWITZERLAND CATASTROPHE. 1528 — 1531. CHAPTER 1. Two great Lessons— Ohristlan Warfare— Zwingle, Pastor, Statesman, and Qenoral— His noble Oharacter— Perseeu- tions— Swiss Catholics seek an Alliance with Austria- Great Dissatisfaction -Deputation to the Forest Cantons — Zwingle^s Proposal— Moderation of Berne— Keyscr’s Hartyrdom— Zwingle and War— Zwingle’s Error, Page 031 CHAPTER II. Free Preaching of the Gospel in Switzerland— Zwingle sup. S orts the common Bailiwicks— War— Zwingle Joins the .rmy— The Zurich Army threatens Zug— Tlie Landam- man Aebll— Bernese Interposition— Zwingle’s Opposition —Swiss Cordiality— Order in the Zurich Camp— A Con- ference-Peace restored— Austrian Treaty torn— Zwingle’s Hymn— Nuns of Saint Catherine, ... 634 CHAPTER III. Conquests of Beform In SchafThauson and Zurzack— Reform in Claris- To-day the Cowl, To-morrow the Reverse— Italian Bailiwicks— The Monk of Como— Egldio’s Hope for Italy— Call of the Monk of Locarno— Hopes of reform- ing Italy— The Monks of Wettln gen— Abbey of Saint Gall — Killan Kouffl— Saint Gall recovers its Liberty— The Re- form in Soleure— Miracle of Saint Ours— Popery triumphs —The Orisons invaded by the Spaniards- Address of the Ministers to the Romish Cantons— God’s Word the Means of Unity — (Ecolampadius for Spiritual Influence— Au- tonomy of the Church* .... 638 CHAPTER IV. Zwingle and the Christian State— Zwingle’a double Part— Zwingle and Luther In Relation to I'olltics— Philip of Hesse and the Free Cities— Projected Union between Zwinglo and Jaithcr— Zwinglo’s political Action— Project of Alliance against the Emperor— Zwingle advocates ac- tive Resistance— He destines the Imperial Crown for Philip— Faults of the Reformation— Embassy to Venice— Giddiness of the Reformation— Projected Alliance with France— Zwingle’s Plan of Alliance— Approaching Ruin- Slanders In the Five Caiitons- S’iolencc— Mysterious Paper— Berne and Basle vote for Peace— General Diet at Baden- Evangelical Diet at Zurich— Political llcfoniiatlon of Switzeriautt— Activity of Zurich, . . 644 Waldstettes— No Bread, no Wine, no Salt— Indignation of the Forest Cantoits— The Roads blockaded— Processions —Cry of Despair— France tries to conciliate— Diet at Bremgarton — Hope — The Cantons inflexible — The Strength of Zurich broken- Discontent— Zwinglc’s false Forest Cantons r^cct all ConoilfaUon^rlg^ul braeni —The Comet— Zwlngle’e Tranquillity, . Page 661 CHAPTER VI. The Five Cantons decide for War— Deceitful Calm— Fatal Inactivity— Zurich forewarned— Banner of Lucerne plant* ed— Manifesto— The Bailiwicks pillaged— The Monastery of Oappel— Letter— Infatuation of Zurich— New Warnings —The War begins— The Tocsin— A fearful Night— The War— Banner and Army of Zurich— Zwingle’s Departure — Zwinglo’s Horse— Anna Zwinglo, ... 667 CHAPTER VII. The Scone of War— The Enemy at Zug— Declaration of War —Council— Army oi the Forest Cantons appears— Tho first Gun fired — Zwingle’s Gravity and Sorrow— Zurich Army ascending the Albis— Halt and Council at tho Beech Tree —They quicken their MarclWauch’s Reconnaissance— His Appeal— Ambuscade, • . . . . 6C2 CHAPTER VIII. Unforeseen Change— The whole Army advances— Universal Disorder— The Banneret’s Death— The Banner in Danger —Tho Fanner saved— Terrible Slaughter— Slaughter of the Pastors- Zwlnglc’s last Words— Barbarity of tho Vic- tors— The Furnace of Trial- Zwingle’s dying Moments— Day after tho Battle— Homage and Outrage, . 665 CHAPTER IX. Consternation in Zurich— Violence of the Populace— Grief and Distress— Zwingle is dead !— Funeral Oration— Army of Zurich— Another Reverse on the Ooubel— Inactivity of the Bernese- Hopes and Plan of Charles V.— End of the War— Treaty of Peace, 669 CHAPTER X. CHAPTER V. Diet of Aran- Helvetic Unity- Berne proposes to close tho ! Markets— Opposition of Zurich— Proposition agreed to and published- Zwingle’s War Sermon— Blockade of the Restoration of Popery at Brcmgartcn and Bapporschwyl— Priests and Monksevery where— Sorrow of (Ecolampadius —A tranquil Scone— Peaceful Death of (Ecolampadius— Henry Hullinger at Zurich— Contrition and Exultation— The greet Lesson— Conclusion. . . 673 PREFACE Th» history of one of the greatest revolutions that has ever been accomplished in human affairs — of a mighty impulse commimicated to the world three centuries ago, and whose influence is still visible on everjr side — and not the history of a mere party, is the object of iny present undertaking. The history of the Information is distinct from that of Pro- testantism. In the former every thins bears the mark of a regeneration of the human race — of a religious an4 social change ema- nating from God himself. In the latter we too often witness a glaring degeneracy from first ^rinci|>les, the struggles of parties, a sectarian spirit, and the traces of petty indi- vidualities. The history of Protestantism may have an interest for Protestants only ; the history of the Reformation addresses it- self to all Christians, or rather to all man- kind. An historian may choose his subject in the wide field presented to his labours : ho may describe the great events which have changed the aspect of a people or of the world ; or on the other hand he may record that tranquil onward course of a nation, of the Church, or of mankind, which usually succeeds every great sodal change. Both these departments of history are of vast importance ; yet pub- lic interest has ever been more strongly at- tracted to those epochs which, under the name of revolutions, have given fresh life to a na- tion, or created a new era for society in general. It is a transformation of the latter kind that, with very humble powers, I have un- dert^en to describe, not without a hopo that the beauty of the subject may compensate for my own deficiencies. The term ** revo- lution,” which I hero apply to it, has of late fallen into discredit wim many individuals, who almost confound it with revolt. But they are wrong : for a revolution is merely a chan^ in the affairs of men, — something new umo14ed (revo/ufus) firom the bosom of humanity ; and this very word, previous to the end of the last century, was more fre- qimntly used in a good than in a bad sense : a happy, a wonderfhl revolution, were the terms emj^loyed. The Reformation was quite the opposite of a revolt : it was the re-esta- blishment of the pnnciples of primitive Chris- tianity. It was a regenemtive movement with respect to all that was destined to re- vive ; a coTiservative movement as regards all that will exist for ever. Wliile Chnstianity and the Reformation established the great principle of the equality of souls in the eyes of Go^ and overthrew the usurpations of a haughty priesthood that assumed to place it- self between the Creator and his creature, they both laid down this fundamental rule of social order, that all power is derived from God, and called upon all men to “ love the brotherhood, fear God, and honour the king.” The Reformation is eminently distinguish- ed from all the revolutions of antiquity, and from most of those of modem times. Politi- cal changes — ^the consolidation, or the over- throw of the wwer of the one or of the many — were the object of the latter. The love of trath, of holiness, of immortality, was the simple yet mighty spring which set in mo- tion that which I have to describe. It indi- cates a forward movement in human nature. In truth, man advances — ^he improves, when- ever he aims at higher objects, and seeks for immaterial and imperishable blessings, in- stead of pursuing material, temporal, and earthly advantages. The Reformation is one of the brightest days of this glorious pro- gress. It 18 a guarantee that the new strug- gle, which is receiving its accomplishment under our own eyes, will terminate on the side of truth, in a purer, more spiritual, and still nobler triumph. Primitivo Christianity and the Reforma- tion are the two greatest revolutions in liis- tory. They were .not limited to one nation only, as were the various political move- ments that history records ; but their in- fluence extended over many, and their effects are destined to be felt to the utmost limits of the world. Primitive Christianity and the Reforma- tion are one and the same revolution, brought about at different epochs and under diffe- rent circumstances. Although not alike in their secondary features, they are identical in their primary and chief characteristics. One is a repetition of the other. The former put an end to the old world ; the latter be- i PEEFACB. E 'lie new : between them lie the Middle One is the parent of the other ; and igh the daughter may in some instances bear marks of inferiority^ she has characters I \ihat are peculiarly her own. I One of them is the rapidity of its action. The great revolutions that have led to the fall of a monarchy, or wrought an entire change in a political system, or wliich have laundied the human mind on a new career of development, have been slowly and gra- dually prepared. The old-established power has long been undermined : one by one its chief supports have mven way. This was the case at the introduction of Christianity. But the Beformation, at the first glance, seems to present a different aspect. The church of Kome under Leo X. appears in the height of its power and glory. A monk speaks — and in one half of Europe this mighty glory and power crumble into dust. In this revolution we are reminded of the words by which the Son of God foretells his second advent : “As the lightning cometh out of the east, and shinoth even to the west, so shall the coming of the Son of Man be.” Such rapidity of action is inexplicable to those who see in tliis event nothing more than a reform ; who look upon it simply as an act of critical sagacity, which consisted in mt^ing a choice amcn^ various doctrines — ^rejecting some, preserving others, and ar- ranging those which were retained so as to conmine them into a new system. But how could a whole people, how could many nations have so promptly executed this laborious task ? How comd this critical examination have kindled the fire and enthu- siasm BO necessary for groat and above all for sudden revolutions? The Reformation, as its history will show, was altogether dif- ferent. It was anew outpouring of that life which Christianity brought into the world. It was the triumpn of the greatest of its doc- trines, — of that which animates all who em- brace it with the purest and most intense enthusiasm, — the doctrine of Faith, tho doc- trine of Grace. Had the Reformation been what many Romanists and Protestants of our days imagine it, — ^liad it been that nega- tive system of negative reason which, like a fretful child, rejects whatever is displeasing to it, and disowns the grand truths and load- ing ideas of universal Christianity, it would never have crossed the threshold of the schools, or been known beyond the narrow limits of tho cloister or perhaps of the friar’s cell. But with Protestantism, as many un- derstand the word, it had no connexion. Far from being an emaciated, an enervated body, it rose np like a man, fiill of strength and energy. Two considerations will account for the suddenness and extent of this revolution. One must be sought in God ; the other among men. The impulse was given by an invi- sible and mighty hand : tho change accom- plished was the work of Omnipotence. An unpartial and attentive observer, who looks beyond the surface, must neceesarily be led to this conclusion. But as God works by second causes, another task remains for the historian. Many circumstances whidi have often passed unnoticed, gradually prepared the world for the great transformation of the sixteenth century, so that the human mind was ripe when the hour of its emancipatipn arrived. It is the historian’s duty to combine these two great elements in the picture he presents to his readers. This has been my endeavour in the following pages. 1 shall he easily understood so long as I am occupied in in- vestigating the secondary causes that con- curr^ in producing tho revolution I have undertaken to describe. Many perhaps will understand me loss clearly, and will even be tempted to charge me with superstition, when I ascribe the completion of the work to God. It is a conviction, however, that 1 fondly cherish. These volumes, as well as the motto I have prefixed to them, lay down in the chief and foremost place this simple and pregnant princij>lo: Gk>D in Histokt. But as it is a principle that has been gene- rally neglected and sometimes disputed, it may be right for me to explain my views on this subject, and by this means justify the method I liave adopted. History can no longer remain in our days that dead letter of events, to tho detail of which tho majority of earlier writers restrict- ed themselves. It is now understood that in history, as in man, there are two elements — matter and spirit. Unwilling to resign them- selves to tho task of producing a simplo re- cital of facts, which would have been nut a barren chronicle, our groat modern histo- rians have sought for a vital principle to ani- mate the materials of past ages. JSome have borrowed this principle from the rules of art : they have aimed at lieing ingenuous, exact, and picturesque in descrip- tion, and have endeavoured to give life to their narrative by the characteristic details of the events themselves. Others have sought in philosophy the prin- ciple that should fertilize their labours. With the relation of events they have interwoven extended views, instructive lessons, political and philoBopliical truths; and have given animation to their narrative by the idea they have drawn from it, and by the theory they have been able to associate with it. Both these methods, undoubtedly, are good, and should be employed within certain li- mits. But there is another source to which, above all, we must look for the intelligenee, spirit, and life of past ages ; and this source is Religion. History should live by that life which belongs to it, and that life is God. Jn history, God should be acknowledged and proclaimed. The historjuief the world should PREFACE. be set forth fis the annahi of the goreniment of the Sorereign King. I have gone down into the lists whither the recitals of our historians have invited me» There 1 have witnessed the actions of men and of nations, developing themselves with energy, and contending in violent collision. I have heard a strange din of arms, hut 1 have been nowhere shown the majestic coun- tenance of the presiding Judge. And yet there is a uving principle, ema- nating from God, in every national move- ment. God is ever present on that vast theatre whore successive generations of men meet and straggle. It is true ho is unseen ; but if the heemess multitude pass by with- out caring for him because ho is “ a God that dwelleth in the thick- darkness,” thoughtful men, who yearn for the very principle of their existence, seek for him the more ardently, and are not satisfied until they lie prostrate at his feet. And their in- quiries meet vnth a rich reward. For from the height to which they have been com- pelled to soar to meet their God, the history of the world, instead of presenting to their eyes a confused chaos, as it does to the igno- rant crowd, appears as a mcyestic temple, on which the invisible hand of God liimself is at work, and which rises to his glory above the rock of humanity. Shall we not recognise the hand of God in those grand manifestations, those great men, those mighty nations, which arise, and start as it were from the dust of the earth, and communicate a fresh impulse, a new form and destiny to the human race ? Shall wo not acknowledge him in those heroes who spring from society at appointed epochs — who display a strength and activity beyond the ordinary limits of humanity — and around whom, as around a superior and mysterious power, nations and individuals unhesitatingly gather? Who has launched into the ex- anse of time, those huge comets with their ery trains, which appear but at distant in- tervals, scattering among the superstitious crowd abundance apd joy, calamity and ter- ror? Who, if not God? Alexander sought his origin in the abodes of the Divinity. And in the most irreligious age there has been no ennnent glory that ^has not endeavoured in some way or other to connect itself with lieaven. And do not those revolutions which hurl kings from their thrones, and precipitate whole nations to the dust,— do not those wide-spread ruins which the traveller meets with among the sands of the desert, — do not those majestic relics which the field of hu- manity presents to our view ; do they not all declare aloud — a God in hUtory f Gibbon, seated among the mins of the Capitol^ and contemplating its august remains, owned the intervention of a superior destiny. He saw it — he felt it ; in vain would he avert his eyes. Tliat shadow of a mysterious power started from behind every broken pillar ; and he con- ceived the desim of doflcribingits influence in the history of me disorganisation, decline, and Oormption of that Roman dominion which had enslaved the world. Shall not we dis- cern amidst the great ruins of humanity that almighty hand wliich a man of noble genius — one who had never bent the knee to Christ — ^perceived amid the scattered fragments of the monuments of Romulus, the sculptured marbles of Aurelius, the busts of Cicero and Virgil, tho statues of CsBsar and Augustus, Pompoy ’s horses, and the trophies of Trajan, — and shall we not confess it to be the hand of God? What a startling fact, that men brought up amid tho elevated ideas of Cliristiimity, regard as mere superstition that Divine in- tervention in human aftairs which the very heathens had admitted 1 Tho name given by ancient Greece to the Sovereign Ruler shows it to have received primeval revelations of the great truth of a God, who is tho principle of history and the life of nations. Ho was styled Zeus,^ or the life-yiver to all that lives, — ^to nations as well as to individuals. On his altars kings and people swore their solemn oaths ; and from his mysterious inspirations Minos and other legislators pretended to have received their laws. This is not all : this great truth is figured fortli by one of the most beautiful fables of heathen antiquity. Even mytho- logy might teach a lesson to the philosophers of our days ; and I may be allowed to esta- blish tlie fact, as perhaps there are readers who will feel less prejudice against the in- structions of paganism than of Christianity itself. This Zeus, this supreme Ruler, this Eternal Spirit, this life-giving Principle, is tho father of Clio, tho muse of history, whose mother is Mnemosyne or Memory. Thus, according to the notions of antiquity, history combines a heavenly with an earthly nature. She is the daughter of God and man ; but, alas I the purblind philosophy of our proud age is fair from having attained tho lofty views of that heathen wisdom. Her divine paternity has been denied ; and the illegiti- mate child now wanders up and down the world, like a shameless adventurer, hardly knowing whence she comes or whither she is going. But this God of pagan antiquity is only a faint reflection, a mm shadow of Jehovah — of the Eternal One. The true God whom the Hebrews worship, willing to impress on the minds of all nations that lie reigns conti- nually upon earth, gave with this intent, if I may venture the expression, a bodily form to this sovereignty in the midst of Israel. A visible theocracy was appointed to exist once upon the earth, that it might unceasingly remind us of that invisible theocracy which shall for ever govern tho world. 1 Zeus, froes live. PREFACE. And see what lustre this great truth (God in history) receives under the Christian dis- pensation. VHiat is Jesus Christ, if he be not God in history ? It was this discovery of Jesus Christ which enabled John Muller, the greatest of modem historians, fully to comprehend his subject. “ The Gospel,” said ne, “ is the fulfilment of every hope, the perfection of all philosophy, the mterpreter of every revolution, the key to all the seem- ing contradictions in the physical and moral world: it is life and immortality. Since 1 have known the Saviour, every thing is clear to my eyes : with him, there is no difficulty I cannot solve.” ^ Thus wrote this eminent historian ; and is not this great tmth, that God has appeared in human nature, in reality the keystone of the arch, — the mysterious link which binds all earthly things together, '-and connects them with heaven ? History records a birth of God, and yet God has no part in history 1 Jesus Christ is the true Goa of man’s his- tory ; it is shown by the very meanness of his advent. When man would raise a shelter against the weather — a shade from the heat or the sun — what preparation of materials, what scaffolding and crowds of workmen, what trenches and heaps of rubbish I — ^but when God would do the same, ho takes the smallest seed that a new-born child might clasp in its feeble hand, deposits it in the bosom of the earth, and from that grain, scarcely distinguishable in its commence- ment, he produces the stately tree, under whose spreading branches the families of men may find a refuge. To effect great re- sults by imperceptible means — such is the law of 6od. Jn Jesus Christ is found the most glorious fulfilment of this law. Christianity has now taken possession of the gates of every people. It rei^s or hovers over all the tribes of the earth, from the rising to the setting sun; and even a sceptical philosophy is compelled to acknowledge it as the social and spiritual law of the world. And yet whalT was the commencement of this religion, the noblest of all things under the vault of heaven — nay, in the “ infinite immense” of creation ? A child born in the smallest town of the most despised nation in the world — a child whose mother had not what even the most indigent and wretched woman of our towns possesses, a room to shelter her in the hour of travail — a child bom in a stable and cradled in a man- ger! In this, 0 God, I acknowledge and ^ore thee ! The Reformation recognised this divine law, and was conscious of fulfilling it. The idea that “ God is in histoir ” was often put forth by the reformers. We find it particu- larly expressed by Luther in one oi those homely and quaint, yet not undi^fied simi- titudes, which he was fond of using that he 1 Letter to Charles Bonnet. might be understood by the people. “ The world,” said he one day at table with his friends, ** is a vast and magnificent game of cards, made up of emperors, kings, princes, &c. The pope for many centuries beat the emperors, kings, and pnnees. They yielded and fell before him. Then came our Lord God. He dealt the cards : he took the lowest (Luther) for liimself, and with it he beat the pope, that vanquisher of the kings of the earth This is the ace of God, As Mary said : ‘ He hath put down the mighty from their seats, and exalted them of low de- gree.’ ” ^ The epoch whoso history I am desirous of retracing is important for the present gene- ration. When a man becomes sensible of his own weakness, he is generally inclined to look for support in the institutions he sees flourishing around him, or else in the bold devices of his imagination. The histoiy Of the Reformation shows that nothing new can be made out of things old ; and that if, ac- cording to our Saviour’s expression, we re- quire new bottles for new wine, we must mso have new wine for new bottles. It di- rects man to God as the universal agent in history, — to that Divine word, ever old by the eternal nature of the truths it contains, ever new by the regenerative influence that it exerts ; which purified society three cen- turies ago, wliich restored faith in God to souls enfeebled by superstition, and which, at every epoch in the nistoiy of man, is the fountain whence floweth salvation. It is singular to witness a great number of men, agitated by a vague desire of believing in something fixed, addressing themselves in our days to the erroneous Catholicism of Rome. In one sense this movement is na- tural ; religion is so little known among them, that they think it can only be found where they see it inscribed in large letters on a banner that time has rendered vene- rable. I do not say that all Catholicism is incapable of bestowing on man what he stands in need of. I think wo should care- fully distinguish between Catholicism and Popery. The latter, in my opinion, is an erroneous and destructive system ; but I am far from confounding it* with Catholicism. How many worthy men, how many true Christians, has not the catholic church con- tained within its bosom 1 What important seinrices were rendered by Catholicism to the existing states of Europe, at the moment of their formation — at a period when it waa still deeply impregnated with the Gospel, and when Popery was as yet only hovering over it like a faint shadow I But wo five no longer in those days. Strenuous endea- vours are now making to reunite Catholicism with Popery ; and if catholic and Christian truths are put forward, they are merely to wat 1 Oolloquia, or Table-talk. PKEFACE. serve as baits to draw us into the nets of the hierarchy. We have nothing, then, to hope for ondthat side. Has Popery renounced one of its observances, of its doctrines, or of its assumptions ? Will that religion which \^as insupportable in former times, be less so in ours? What regeneration has ever been known to emanate from Borne ? Is it from a pontifical hierarchy, overflowing with ea|thly passions, that can proceed the spirit of faith, hope, and charity, which alone can save us ? Is it an exhausted system, that has no vitality for itself, whicn is every- where in the struggles of death, and which exists only by external aid, tiiat can impart life to otncrs, or animate Christian society with the heavenly inspiration that it re- quires ? Will this yearning of the heart and mind that begins to be felt by many of our contem- poraries, lead others to apply to the new Protestantism which in many places has suc- ceeded the powerful teaching of the apostles and reformers ? A great vagueness of doc- trine prevails in many of those reformed churches whose first members sealed with their blood the clear and living faith that inspired them. Men distinguished for their information, and sensible to all tho beauties which this world presents, are carried away into strange aberrations. A general faith in the divinity of the Gospel is the only stand- ard they are willing to uphold. But what is tliis Gospel ? that is the vital question ; and yet on this, either they are silent, or else everj^ one answers it according to his own opinions. What avails it to know that God has placed in the midst of all nations a vessel containing a remedy for our souls, if we care not to know its contents, or if we do not strive to appropriate them to ourselves? This system cannot fill up tho void of the present times. Wliilst the f^th of the apos- tles and reformers appears every where active and eflectual for the conversion of the world, this va^ue system does nothing — enlightens nothing — vivifies nothing. But let us not bo without hope. Does not Bomaii-catholicism confess the great doc- trines of Christianity, — God tho Father, Son, and Holy Ghost-^Veator, Saviour, and Sanctifier, who is the Tmth? And does not this vague Protestantism hold in its hand the lk)ok of Life, wliich is sufficient for doc- trine, correction, and instruction in right- eousness? And how many upright souls, honoured in the eyes of men, lovely in the sight of God, are there not to be found among those subjected to these two systems ? How can we forbear loving them ? How not ardently desire their complete emancipation from human elements ? Charity is infinite ; it embraces the most distant opinions, to draw them to the feet of Christ. Already there are indications that these two extreme opinions are moving nearer to Clirist, who is the centre of truth. Are there not some Roman-catholic churches in which tho reading of the Bible is recom- mended and practised ? And what steps has not Protestimt rationalism already madel It did not spring from the Reformation : for the history of that great revolution will prove it to have been an epoch of faith. But may we not hope it is drawing nearer to it ? Will not the might of truth go forth to it from the word of G(^, and will not this rationalism be transformed by it ? Already we often wit- ness in it a religious feeling, inadequate doubtless, but still it is a movement towards sound doctrine, and which may lead us to hope for some definite progress. But the new Protestantism and the old Catholicism are of themselves irrelevant and ineffectual. We require something else to restore the saving power to the men of our days. We need something which is not of man — something that comes from God. “ Give me,” said Archimedes, “ a point with- out the world, and I will lift it from its poles.” True Cliristianity is this point, which raises the heart of man from its double pivot of selfishness and sensuality, and which will one day turn the whole world from its evil ways, and make it revolve on a new axis of rignteousness and peace. Wlienevcr religion has been under dis- cussion, there have been three points to which our attention has been directed ; God, Man, and the Priest. There can only be three kinds of religion upon earth, according as God, Man, or the Priest, is its author and its head. I denominate that the religion of the priest, which is invented by tho priest, for &o glory of the priest, and in which a sacerdotal caste is dominant. By the reli- gion of man, I mean those various systems and opinions which human reason has framed, and which, being the offspring of human in- firmity, are consequently devoid of jdl heal- ing power. The terra ihvinc religion I apply to the truth such as God gave it, — ^tho end and aim of which arc tho glory of God and the salvo^on of man. Hierarchisra, or tho religion of the priest — Giristialhity, or the religion of God — Ra- tionalism, or the religion of man, are the three doctrines that divide Christendom in our days. There is no salvation, either for man or for society, in the first or in the last, Christianity alone can give life to the world ; and, unhappily, of the three prevailing sys- tems, it is not that which has the greatest number of followers. Some, however, it has, Cliristianity is operating its work of regeneration among many Catholics in Germany, and no doubt in other countries also. It is accomplishing its task with greater purity and yi^ur, in my opinion, among the evangelical Chris- tians of Switzerland, France, Great Britain, and the United States. God be praised that these individual or social regenerations, produced by the Gospel, are no longer PREFACE. such rarities as must sought in ancient annals, ' X It is the history of the. Wormation in general that 1 desii^rto' I purpose tracinu'.'ft among different nations, to snow ' that me same tmibs bare ePeJy where pro- duced the same mk also to mint out • the diversities arising from the dissimil/ir characters of the peome. It is especially in Germany that we find the primitive type of this reform ; there it presents the most or- ganic developments, — ^thcre chiefly it bears the character of a revolution not limited to a particular nation, but which concerns the whole world. The Reformation in Germany is the fundamental history of the reform—it is the primary planet ; the other reforma- tions are secondary planets, revolving with it, deriving light from the same source, forming part of the same system, but each having a separate existence, shedding each a different radiance, and always possessing a peculiar beauty. We may apj^y the lan- guage of St Paul to these reforms of the six- teenth century : “ There is one glory of the sun, and another glory of the moon, and another glory of the stars ; for one star dif- fereth from another star in glory.” (1 Cor. xv. 41.) The Swiss Reformation occurred at the same time as the German, but was indepen- dent of it. It presented, at a later period especially, some of the great features obser- vable in that of G ermany . The Refonnation in Groat Rritain recommends itself in a very especial manner to our attention, from the powerful influence which the churches of that country are exerting at the present day over all the world. But recollections of ancestry and of refuge — ^the remembrance of struggles, suffering, and exile endured in the cause of the Refonnation in Franco, lend a particular attraction, in my eyes, to the French reform. Considered by itself, and with respect to the date of its origin, it presents beauties that are peculiarly its own. I believe the Reformation to be the work of God : his hand is every where visible in it. Still I hope to bo impartial in retracing its history. 1 think I have spoken of the prin- cipal Roman-catholic actors in this great drama— of I^ieo X., Albert of Magdeburg, Charles V., and Doctor Eck, for instance, more favourably than the majority of histo- rians have done* On the other hand, I bave had no desire to conceal the faults aijd errors of the reformers. As early as the winter.cd 1831-32, 1 deli- vered a course of public lectures on the epoch of the Reformation. I then published my opening discourse.^ These lectures were a 1 DIscoura sur rF.tude de THistolre du Christlanlsmc, et son CJtUlte pour I’JBpouue actuelle. Faris, 1832, cbes J. KUler. preparatory labour for the history I now lay Wore the public. This history is compiled from the <^(pnal sources with which a long residence in Ger- many, the Netherlands, and Switzerland, has j rendei^ me familiar; as weU as ih>m the study f in tbeir original Imguages, of the , documents relating to the religiouB history ‘ of Great Britain and other countries. As these sources will be pointed out in the coipr se of the work, it will bo unnecessary to enu- merate them here. I should have wished to authenticate the various portions of my work by many origi- nal notes ; but I feared that if they wore long and frequent, they would prove a dis- agreeable interruption to my readers. I have therefore confined myself to such passages as seemed calculated to give them a clearer view of the history I have undertaken to write. I address this history to those who love to see past events exactly as they occurred, and not by the aid of that magic glass of genius which colours and magnifies, but which sometimes also diminishes and changes them. Neither the philosophy of the eigh* teenth nor the romanticism of the nineteenth century will guide my judgnmnts or supply my colours. The history of tlie Reformation is written in tlie spirit of the work itself. Principles, it is said, have no modesty. It is their nature to rule, and they steadily as- sert their privilege. Do they encounter other principles in their paths that would dispute their empire, they give battle imme- diately. A principle never rests until it has gained the victory ; and it cannot be other- wise — with it to reign is to live. If it docs not reign supreme, it dies. Thus, at the same time that I declare my inability and unwillingness to enter into rivaliy with otlicr historians of tlie Reformation, I make an exception in favour of the principles on which this history is founded, and 1 firmly maintain their superiority. Up to this hour we do not possess, as far as I am aware, any complete nistory of the memorable epoch that is about to employ my pen. Nothing indicated that this deficiency would he supplied when I began tliis work. This is the only circumstance that could have induced me to undertake it, and I hero S ut it forward as my justification. Tliis de- ciency still exists ; and I pray to Him from whom cometh every good and perfect gift, to grant that this hunihle work may not bo profitless to my readers. £aux-Vives, near Geneva, Auffuit 1830. HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. VOLUME FIRST. BOOK I. STATE OF EUROPE BEFORE THE REFORMATION. CHAPTER X. Ohriatianlty~Two disilnoti ve Prlndplos— Rise of the Papacy —Early Encroachments —Influence of Rome— Co-opera* tion of the Bishops and of the SmIs— V isible Unity of the I Decretals s Suserain — liildobrand—llis Character-Uellbacy— Struffgle with the Empire— Emancipation of the Pope— Hliaebrand’s Successors— The Urosades— The Empire— The Church. The enfeebled world was tottering on its foundations when Christianity appeared. The national religions which had satisfied the parents, no longer proved sufficient for j i their children. Tlio new generations could not repose contented within the ancient forms. The gods of every nation, when transported to Romo, there lost their oracles, ns the nations themselves had there lost their liberty. Brought face to face in the Cai>itol, they had destroyed each other, and their divinity had vanished. A great void was occasioned in the re^on of the world. A kind of deism, dcstimto alike of spirit and of life, floated for a time above the a^ss in which the vigorous superstitions of anti- cnuity had been engulfed. But like all nega- tive creeds, it had no power to reconstruct. National prepossessions disappeared with the fall of the national gods. The various king- doms melted one into the other. In Europe, Asia, and Africa, there was but one vast empire, and tlie human race began to feel its universality and unity. Then the Word was made flesh. Ckkl appeared among men, and as man, to save that which was lost. In Jesus of Nazareth dwelt all the fulness of tlie Gk)d- heafl bodily. This is the greatest event in the annals of the world. Former ages had prepared the way for it : the latter ages flow from it. It is their centre and their bond of unity. Henceforward the popular superstitions had no meaning, and the slight fragments S reserved from the general wreck of incredu- ty vanished before the majestic orb of eter- nal truth. The Son of Man lived thirty-threo years on earth, healing the sick, converting sin- ners, not having where to lay his head, and displaying in the midst of this humiliation fiudi greatness and hotinesB, such power and divinity, as the world had never witnessed before. He suffered and died — ^he rose again and ascended into heaven. His disciples, beginning at Jerusalem, travelleil over the Roman empire and the world, every where proclaiming their Master as the author of everlasting life. From the midst of a people who despised all nations, came forth a mercy that invited and embraced all men. A neat number of Asiaties, of Greeks, and of Ro- mans, hitherto dragged by their priests to the feet of dumb idols, beUeved tne Word. It suddenly enlightened the whole eartli, like a beam of the sun. * A breath of life began to move over this wide field of death. A new people, a holy nation, was formed upon the earth ; and the astonished world beheld in the disciples of the Galilean a purity and self-denial, a charity and herdam, of which it had retained no idea. Two principles especially distinguished the new religion from all the human systems that fled before it. One had reference to the ministers of its worship, the other to its doc- trines. The ministers of paganism were almost the gods of these human religions. The 1 OT« rtf /S«A.n. EttaeUus, Hist. Eeelet. U. 3. D’AUBlQNi’S HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. the development of this power so alien to the Church. nriosts of Qftul, Dacia, Germany, Britain, aind Inaia, led the people, so long at l^t as their eyes were not opened. Jesus Paul of Tarsus, one of the greatest apos- indeed, established a mmistry, hut be , ties of the new religion, bad arrived at Borne, hA jij^ j of the empire and of the world, I preaching in bondage the salvation which > - At A /Y-J A rn -L - i* J throned these living idols of the world, de- stroyed an overbearing hierarchy, took away from man what he had taken from God, and re-established the soul in immediate con- nexion with the divine fountain of truth, by proclaiming himself sole Master and sole Me^ator. “ One is your master, even Christ J and all ye are brethren.*’ i As regards doctrine, human systems had cometh from Gkxi. A Church was formed beside the throne pf the Cmsars. Composed at first of a few converted Jews, Greeks, and Homan citizens, it was rendered famous W the teaching and the death of the Apostle of the Gentiles. For a time it shone out brightly, as a beacon upon a hill. Its faith was eveiy- y , ^ — where celebrated; but erelong it declined taught that salvation is of man : the religions from its primitive condition. It was by of the earth had devised'an earthly salvation, small bennnings that both i earthly salvation. Tliey had told men that heaven would be S 'ven to them as a reward : they had fixed ; price; and what a price I The religion of God taught that salvation comes from him alone ; that it is a gift from heaven ; that it emanates from an amnesty — from the grace of the Sovereign Ruler : “ God hath given to us eternal life.” * ‘ Undoubtedly Christianity cannot be sum- med up in these two points ; but they seem to govern the subject, as far as histoiy is con- cerned. And as it is impossible for me to trace the opposition between truth and error in all its features, I have been compelled to select the most prominent. Such were the two constituent principles of the religion that then took possession of the Roman empire and of the world. With these we are within the true limits of Chris- tianity, and beyond them Christianity dis- appears. On their preservation or their loss depended its greatness or its fiill. They are closely connected for we cannot exalt the priests of the Church or the works of the faithful without lowering Christ in his two- fold quality of Mediator and Redeemer. One of these principles was to predominate in the history of the religion ; the other in its doc- trine. They both reigned at the beginning. Let us inqmre how they were lost ; and let us commence by tracing the destiny of the former. The Cliurch was in the beginning a com- munity of brethren, guided by a few of the brethren. All were taught of God, and each had the privilege of drawing for himself from the divine fountain of light.* The Epistles J.T small beginnings that both imperial and Christian Rome advanced to the usurped dominion of the world. The first pastors or bishops of Rome early employed themselves in converting the neigh- bouring cities and towns. The necessity which the bishops and pastors of the Cam- pagna felt of applying in cases of difficulty to an enlightened guide, and the gratitude they owed to the church of the metropolis, led them to maintain a close union with it. As it has always happened in analogous cir- cumstances, this reasonable union soon de- generated into dependence. The bishops of Rome considered as a right that superiority which the surrounding Churches had freely yielded. The encroachments of power form a great part of history ; as the resistance of those whose liberties are invaded forms the other portion. The ecclesiastical power could not escape the intoxication which impells all who are lifted up to seek to mount still higher. It obeyed this general law of human nature. ^ Nevertheless the supremacy of the Roman bishops was at that period limited to the supenntendonce of the Churches within the civil jurisdiction of the prefect of Rome.* But the rank which this imperial city held in the world offered a prospect of still greater destinies to the ambition of its first pastor. The respect enjoyed by the various Christiau bishops in the second century was propor- tionate to the rank of the city in whimi tney resided. Now Ro^ie was the largest, rich- est, and most powerful city in the world. It was the seat of empire, the mother of na- tions. “ All the inhabitants of the earth long to hor,” said Julian ;• and Claudiaii de- which then setried the great questions of clared her to be “ the fountain of laws.”* doctrine did not bear the pompous title of a single man— of a ruler. We learn from the Holy Beriptures, that they began simply with these words : “ The apostles and elders and brethren send greeting unto the breth- ren."* But these very writings of the apostles already fortell that from the midst of this brotherhood there shall arise a power that will destroy this simple and primitive order. * Let us contemplate the formation and trace 1 Matthew zxlli.R. * Acte XV. 33. * 1 John V, 11. » 2 Thcea. U. * John vl. 43. . If Rome is the queen of cities, why should not her pastor be the king of bishops ? Why should not the Roman church be the mother of Cliristendom ? Why should not all na- tions her children, and her authority their sovereign law ? It was easy for the ambi- tious heart of man to reason thus. Ambi- tions Rome did so. of the Nieene Oonneil. thus quoted bv Buflnas tinotioQ between the people and the clergy was more strongly marked. The salvation of souls no longer depended entirely on faitli in Christ, but also, and in a more especial manner, on union with the Church. Tne re- presentatives and heads of the Church were made partakers of the trust that should be placed in Christ alone, and became the real mediators of their flocks. The idea of a uni- versal Christian priesthood was gradually lost sight of ; the servants of the Church of Christ were compared to the priests of the old covenant ; and those who separated from the bishop were placed in the same rank with Korah, Dathan, and Abiram I From a peculiar priesthood, such as was then formed in the Church, to a sovereign priesthood, such as Rome claims, the transition was easy. In fact, no sooner was the erroneous notion of the necessity for a visible unity of the Church established, than another appeared — the necessity for an outward representation of that union. Although we find no traces in the Gospel of Peter’s superiority over the other apostles ; although tne very idea of a primacy is opposed to the fraternal relations which united the brethren, and even to the tinople itself, the new Home, the second ca- pitaf of the empire. The church of Byzan- tium, so long obscure, enjoyed the same pH- vileges, and was placed by the council of Cliaicedon in the same rank os the Church of Rome. Rome at that time shared the patriarchal supremacy with these throe churches. But when the Mahometan inv^ sion had destroyed the sees of Alexandria and of Antioch, — ^wheu the see of Constan- tinople fell away, and in later times efen separated from the West, Rome remained alone, and the circumstances of the times athered all the Western Churches around er see, which from that time has been with- out a rival. New and more powerful friends than all the rest soon came to her assistance. Igno- rance and superstition took possession of the Cliurch, and delivered it, fettered and blind- fold, into the hands of Rome. Yet this bondage was not effected without a struggle. Frequently did the Churches proclaim their independence ; ai\d their cou- rageous voices were especially heard from Proconsular Africa and from the East.^ But Rome found new allies to stifle the cries of the Churches. Princes, wliom those spirit of the Gospel dispensation, which on tlie contrary requires all the children of the Father to “ minister one to another,” ac- knowledging only one teacher aiul one mas- ter; although Christ had strongly rebuked his disciples, whenever ambitious desires of E re-emincnco were conceived in their carnal carts ; the primacy of St. Peter was invented and supported by texts wrongly interpreted, and men next acknowledged in this apostle and in his self-styled successors at Rome, the visible representatives of visible luiity — the beads of the universal Church. The constitution of the Patriarchate con- tributed in like manner to the exaltation of the Papacy. As early as the throe first cen- turies the metropolitan Churches had enjoyed peculiar honour. The council of Nice, in its sixth canon, mentions three cities, whose Churches, according to it, exercised a long- established authority over those of the sur- rounding provinces : these were Alexandria, Rome, and Antioch. The political origin of this distinction is indicated by the name which was at first given to the bishops of these cities : they were called Exarchs j from the title of tha civil governors.' Somewhat later they received the more ecclesiastical appellation of Patriarchs, Wo find this title first employed at the council of Constanti- nople, but in a different sense from that which it afterwards received. It was not until shortly before the council of Chalcedon that it was given exclusively to the great metxxipolitans. The second general council created a new patriarchate, tl^t of Constan- I See Canon. Sardlo. vl., and also the Connell of ObalcO' don, canons 8 and 18, o iiotxiicrtei/g. stormy times often shook upon their thrones, offered their protection if Rome would in its turn support them. They conceded to her the spintual authority, provided she would make a return in secular power. They were lavish of the souls of men, in the hope that she would aid them against their enemies. The power of the hierarchy wliich was as- cending, and the imperial power which was declining, leant thus one upon the f)ther, and by this alliance accelerated their twofold destiny. Rome could not lose by it. An edict of Theodosius II. and of Valentinian III. pro- claimed the Roman bishop “ rector of tho whole Church.”* ' Justinian published a simi- lar decree. These edicts did not contain all that the popes pretended to see in them ; but in those times of ignorance it was easy for them to secure that interpretation which was most favourable to themselves. Tho domi- nion of the emperors in Italy becoming daily more precarious, tho bishops of Romo took advantage of this circumstance to free them- selves from their dependence. But already had issued from the forests of the North the most effectual promoters of the 1 Cyprian, bishop of Carthage* writes thus of Stophen, bishop of Borne : — ^Magis ao magis ejus errortm ilenotabls, qul hsreticorum causam contra Christfanos ct contra JBe- eietiam Dei assorere conatuT....qul unliatem etverltatem de divina Icgevonientem non tenens....Oonsuetudo sine vc- ritate, vetustas erroris est. Eplst. 74. Firmlliaii, bishop of Offisarea in Cappadocia, said also in the latter half of the third century : %s autem qul Romu sunt, non ea in omnibus observare qua sunt ao origlne tradita, et frustra auctoiitatem apostolonim pratendere.. ..Ceterum nos (».«. the bishops of the Asiatic churches, which wore more ancient than that of Rome) verltatl ot consuetudinem Jungimus, et consuetudlni Romanomm, consuetudlnem sed verUaiit opponlmus i ab Initio hoc te< nentes qnod a Christo et ab apostolo traditum cst. Cypr. Sp. 79. These are testimonies of giMt importance. 2 Rlwtor totius ecclesia. D’AUBIGNE’S HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. papal power. The barbarians who had in- vaded and settled in the West, after being satiated with blood and plunder, lowered their reeking swords before the intellectual power that met them fkce to flme. Recently converted to Christianity, ignorant of the spiritual character of the Church, and feeling the want of a certain external pomp in relT gion, they prostrated themselves, ban savage apd half heathen as they were, at the feet of the high-priest of Rome. With their aid the West was in his power. At first the Van- dals, then the Ostrogoths, somewhat later the Burgundians and Alans, next the Visi- goths, and lastly the Lombards and An^o- ^xons, came and bent the knee to the Ro- man pontiff. It was the sturdy shoulders of these children of the idolatrous north that succeeded in placing on the supreme throne of Christendom a pastor of the hanks of the Tiber. At the beginning of the seventh century these events were accomplishing in the West, nrccisely at the period when the power of Maliomct arose in the East, prepared to in vado another quarter of the world. From this time the evil continued to in- crease. In the eighth century we see tlie Roman bishops resisting on the one hand the Greek emperors, their lawful sovereigns, and endeavouring to expel them from Italy, while with the other they court the mayors of the palace in France, begging fronr this new power, just beginning to rise in the West, a share in the wreck of the empire. Rome founded her usurped authority between the East, which she repelled, and the West, which she summoned to her aid. She raised her throne between two revolts. Startled by the shouts of the Arabs, now become masters of Spain, and who boasted that they would speedily arrive in Italy by the gates of the Pyrenees and Alps, and proclaim the name of Mahomet on the Seven Hills ; alarmed at the insolence of Astolphus, who at the head of his Lombards, roaring like a lion, and brandishing his sword before the gates of the eternal city, threatened to put every Roman to death:* Romo, in tho prospect of ruin, turned her frightened eyes around her, and threw herself into the arms of the Franks. Tho usurper Pepin demanded her pretended sanction of his new authority ; it was grant- ed, and tho Papacy obtained in return hir promise to be the defender of the “ Republic of God.” Pepin wrested from the Lombardi the cities they had taken from the Greek empoi*or; yet, instead of restoring them tc that prince, he laid their keys on St» Peter’i altar, and swore with uplifted hands that he had not taken up arms for man, but to ob tain from God the remission of his sins, ami to do homage for his conquests to St. Peter. Thus did Prance establish tho temporal powe: of tho popes. I Fromens nt leo....asf(ercns omnes uno gladio Jugulai AnaetaBiUB, Bibl. Vit. I’ontif. p. 83. Cliarlemagne appeared; tho first time he ascends the stairs to tho basilic of St. Peter, devoutly kissing each step. A second time he presents himself, lord of all the nations that formed the empire of the West, and of Rome itself. Leo 111. thought fit to bestow :he imperial title on him ^o already pos- sessed the power ; and on Christmas day, in :he year 800, he placed the diadem of the Roman ei^rors on the brow of the son of Pepin. * From this time the pope belongs to the empire of the Franks : ms connexion with the East is ended. He broke off from decayed and fallen tree to graft himself upon a wild and vigorous sapling. A future elevation, to which he would have never dared aspire, awaits him among these Ger- man tribes with whom he now unites him- self. Charlemagne bequeathed to his feeble suc- cessors only the wrecks of his power. In the ninth century disunion every where weakened the civil authority. Rome saw that this was the moment to exalt herself. When could tho Church hope for a more fa- vourable opportunity of becoming indepen- dent of the state, than^when the crown which Charles had worn was broken, and its frag- ments lay scattered over his former empire ? Then appeared the False Decretals of Isi- dore. In this collection of the pretended de- crees of the popes, the most ancient bishops, who were contemporary with Tacitus and Quintilian, were made to speak the barba- rous Latin of tho ninth century. The cus- toms and constitutions of tho Franks were seriously attributed to the Romans in the time of tlic emperors. Popes quoted the Bible in the Latin translation of Jerome, who had lived one, two, or three centuries after them ; and Victor, bishop of Romo, in the year 192, wrote to Theopbilus, who was arclibishop of Alexandria in 385. The im- postor who had fabricated this collection en- deavoured to prove that all bishops derived their authority from tho bishop of Rome, who held his own immediately from Christ. He not only recorded all tho successive con- quests of the pontiffs, but even carried them back to the earliest times. The popes were not ashamed to avail themselves of this con- temptible imposture. As early as 865, Nicho- las 1. drew from its stores the weapons by which to combat princes and bishops. * This impudent invention was for ages the arsenal of Rome. Nevertheless, tho vices and crimes of the pontiflfe suspended for a time tho effects of the decretals. The Papacy celebrated its admission to tho table of kings by shameful orgies. She became intoxicated : her senses were lost in the midst of drunken revellings. It is about this period that tradition places 1 Visum est et Ipsi Apostollco tieonl....ut Ipsum Oftro* lum. Imperatorem nominare debulsMt. qul ipsam Roiuam teneliat, ubi semper Caesarea sedere soHti eraut, et reliquaa sedes. . . . Aiuialista Larabccianus, ad an. 801. - Sue Ep. ad Unlvers. Episc. Gall. Mansi xv. 1 D’AUBiaN^S HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. xrMU the papal throne a woman namedJoan, To exalt the Papacy is to exalt the Church, 'vimo ts^en refuge in Rome with her to advance religion, to ensure to the spirit lover, tmd whose sex was betrayed -by the the victory over the flesh, and to God the pangs of childbirth during a solemn proces- conquest of tlie world. Such are its maxims : sion. But let us not neemessly Augment the in these ambition finds its advantage, and shame of the pontifical court, ^andoned fanaticism its excuse, women at this time governed Rome ; and The whole of this new policy is personified that throne which pretended to rise above in one man ; Hildebrand, the majesty of kings was sunk deep in the This pope, who has been by turns indis- dregs of vice. Theodora and Marozia in- creotly exalted or unjustly trmuced, is the stalled and deposed at their pleasure the personification of the Roman pontificate ih self-styled masters of the Church of Christ, all its strength and glor^. He is one of those and fifaced their lovers, sons, and grandsons, normal characters in history, which include in St. Peter's chair. These scan£ils, which within themselves a new order of things, si- are but too well authenticated, may perhaps milar to those presented in other spheres by have given rise to the tradition of Pope Joan. Charlemagne, Luther, and Napoleon. Rome became one wide theatre of disor- This monk, the son of a carpenter of Sa- ders, the possession of which was disputed voy, was brought up in a Roman convent, by the most powerful families of Italy. The and had quitted Rome at the period when counts of Tuscany were generally victorious. Henry III. had there deposed three popes. In 1033, this house dared to place on the and taken refuge in Franco in the austere S ontifical throne, under the name of Bene- convent of Guny. In 1048, Bruno, bisliop ict IX.*, a youth brought up in debauchery, of Toul, having been nominated pope by the This boy of twelve years old continued, when emperor at Worms, who was holding the pope, the same horrible and degrading vices.i German Diet in that city, assumed the pon- Another party chose Sylvester HI. in his tifical habits, and took the name of Leo IX. ; stead ; and Benedict, whose conscience was but Hildebrand, who had hastened thither, loaded with adulteries, and whose liands refused to recognise him, since it was (said were stained with murder, a at last sold the he) from the secular power tliat he held llie Pimacy to a Roman ecclesiastic. tiara.i Leo, yielding to the irresistible power The emperors of Germany, filled with in- of a strong mind and of a deep conviction, dignation at such enormities, purged Rome immediately humbled himself, laid aside his with the sword. The empire, asserting its sacerdotal ornaments, and clad in the garb paramount rights, drew the triple crown of a pilgrim, set out barefoot for Rome along from the mire into which it had fallen, and with Hildebrand (says an historian), in order saved the degraded papacy by giving it re- to bo there legitimately elected by the clergy spectable men as its chiefs. Ilenry 111. de- and the Roman people. From this time Hil- posed three popes in 1046, and his finger, debrand was the soul of the Papacy, until he decorated witn the ring of the Roman patri- became pope himself. He had governed the cians, pointed out the bishop to whom the Church under the name of several pontiffs, keys of St, Peter should be confided. Four before he reigned in person as Gregory VII. popes, all Germans, and nominated by the One grand idea had taken possession of this emperor, succeeded. When the Roman pon - 1 great genius. He desired to establish a visi- tiff died, the deputies of that church repaired j bio theocracy, of which the pope, as vicar of to the imperial court, like the envoys of i Jesus Christ, should be the head. The recol- other dioceses, to solicit a new bishop. With lection of the universal dominion of heathen joy the emperor beheld the popes reforming Romo haunted his imigination and animated abuses, strengthening the Church, holding his zeal. He wished to restore to papal Rome councils, installing and deposing prelates, in all that imperial Romo had lost. “ Wliat defiance of foreign monarchs: the Papacy Marius andCmsar,” said his flatterers, “could by these pretensions did but exalt the power not effect by torrents of blood, thou hast of the emperor, its lord paramount. But to accomplished by a word.” allow of such practices was to expose his Gregory VII. was not directed by the spi- own authority to great danger. The power j rit of the Lord. That spirit of trutli, humi- which the popes thus gradually recovered I lity, and long-Suffcriug, was unknown to him. mighi be turned suddenly against the ein- ! He sacrificed the truth whenever he judged peror himself. When the reptile had gained it necessary to his policy. This he id par- strength, it might wound the bc^om that had ticularly ki the case of Berenger, archdeacon cherished it : and this result followed. of Angers. But a spirit far superior to that And now begins a new era for the papacy, of the generality of pontiffs— a deep convic- I It rises from its humiliation, and soon tion of the justice of his cause— undoubtedly tramples the princes of the earth under foot, animated him. He was bold, ambitious, per- lam . ^ . ■*' rreiico 1 Quia non secundum canonicam institutfoncm, sed par V. Pope ssecularem ct regiam potestateni, Bomanam cccicsiam ar« ..or Mlraculls a S. Benedicto, dec., lib. iii. init. rlpere veils. Bruno do Segni, Vtta Leonit. Otho of Froys* ' Theopnsliactiis. . . .cum post muUa adultcrla et homicl- aingen, an historian who lived a centuir later, placet at dia manfbui tult perpetrata, Ac. Bunlzo (bishop of Sutri. Cluny this meeting of Leo and Hildgbrano. This la proba- •fkerwarda of Batienza), Liber ad Amicum bly an error. 12 D^AUBIGNJ^*8 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. severing in his desi^s, and at the same time skilful and politic in the use of the means that would ensure success. His &st task was to organize the militia of the Church. It was necessary to gain strong before attacking the empire. A counml held at Rome removed the pastors from their families, and compelled tnem to become the devoted adherents of the hie- rafchy. The law of celibacy, planned^and carried out by popes, who were themselves monks, changed the clergy into a sort of monastic order. Gregory VII. claimed the same power over all the bishops and priests of Chnstendom, that an abbot of Cluny exer- cises in the order over which he presides. The legates of Hildebrand, who compared themselves to the proconsuls of ancient Rome, travelled through the provinces, deprivin|f the pastors of their legitimate wives ; and, if necessary, the pope himeelf raised the popu- lace against the married clergy.i But chief of all, Gregory designed emanci- pating Rome from its subjection to the em- pire. Never would he have dared conceive so'bold a scheme, if the troubles that afflicted the minority of Henry IV., and the revolt of tne German princes against that young em- peror, had not favoured its execution. The pope was at this time one of the magnates of the empire. Making common cause with the other great vassals, he strengthened himself by the aristocratic interest, and then forbade all ecclesiastics, under pain of excommunica- tion, to receive investiture from the emperor. He broke the ancient ties that connected the Churches and their pastors with the royal authority, but it was to bind them all to the pontifical throne. To this throne he under- took to chain priests, kiijgs, and people, and to make the pope a universal monarch. It was Romo alone tlv,t every priest should fear : it was in Romo alone that he should hope. The kingdoms and principalities of the earth are her domain. All kings were to tremble at the thunderbolts hurled by the Jupiter of modem Rome. Woe to him who resists. Subjects are released from their oaths of allegiance ; the whole country is placed under an interdict; public worship ceases; the churches are closed ; the bells are mute ; the sacraments are no longer administered ; and the malediction extends even to the dead, to whom the earth, at the command of a haughty pontiff, denies th^ repose of the tomb. ^ The pope, subordinate from the very begin- ning of nis existence succcssively’^to the Roman, Frank, and German emperors^ was now free, and he trod for the first time as their equal, if not their master. Yet Gre- gory VII. was humbled in his turn ; Rome was taken, and Hildebrand compelled toflee. He died at Salerno, exclaiming, I have loved righteousness and hated iniquity, therefore do I die in exile.”* Who shaJl dare charge with hj^iocrisy theM words uttered on the very brink of the graxe ? The successors of Gregory, Ime soldiers arriving after a victory, threw themselkes as conquerors on the enslaved Churches. Spain rescued from Islamism, Prussia reclaimed from idolatry, fell into the arms of the crowned priest. The Crusades, which were undertaken at his instigation, extended and confirmed his authority. The pious pil- grims, who in imagination had seen saints and angels leading their armed bands, — ^who, entering humble an^ barefoot witW the walls of Jerusalem, burnt the Jews in their synagogue, and watered with the blood of thousands of Saracens the places where they came to trace the sacred footsteps of the Prince of Peace, — carried into the East the name of the pope, who had been^ forgotten there since he had exchanged the supremacy of the Greeks for that of the Fraxiks. In another quarter the power of the Church effected what the arms of the repub- lic and of the empire had been unable to ac- compUsh. The Germans laid at the feet of a bishop those tributes which their ancestors had refused to the most powerful generals. Their princes, on succeeding to the imperial dignity, imagined they received a crown from the popes, but it was a yoke that was placed upon their necks. The kingdoms of Christendom, already subject to the spiritual authority of Rome, now became her serfs and tributaries. Thus every thing was changed in the Church. It was at first a community of brethren, and now an absolute monarchy was esta- blished in its bosom. All Cliristians were priests of the living God, * with humble pas- tors as their guides. But a haughty head is upraised in tne midst of these pastors; a mysterious voice utters words full of pride ; an iron hand compels all men, great and small, rich and poor, bond and free, to wear the badge of its power. The holy and pri- mitive equality of souls before God is lost sight of. At the voice of one man Cliris- tendom is divided into two unequal parties : on the one side is a separate caste of priests, daring to usurp the name of the Church', and claiming to be invested with peculiar privi- leges in the eyes of the Lord ; and,^ on the other, servile flocks reduced to a blind and passive submission — a people gagged and fettered, and mven over to a haughty caste. Every teibe, language, and nation oi Chris- tendom, submits to ^o dominion of this spi- ritual king, who has received power to coiv *quer. , ._nt, clamoreB InBultantlum. dlglUB ^ » Dljexl juatltlam et odlTl InKmitatem, pvoptena moriw onendentlum, oolapl i pulaantlum, perferant. Alll mera- ^ exillo. brlB mtitllatiil_alll j ■ , cruclatiw superbe necatl. Ac. * I Peter 11. •. Mwt' ,uruB Nov. Anccd. 1. 231. 13 D’AUBIGNiS HISTORY OP THE REFORMATION. faith be net an appropriation of salration, {t is nothing; all Christian economy is CHAPTER 11. thrown into t^onfaBion, the fountains of the new life are sealed, and Christianity is ove»* tomei f]^m its foundations. And this is what did happen. This prao* tioal view of frith was gMuaHy forgotten. ' Sooa it beomOt wbat it stUl is to many per- sonStA simple aotofthe underaten^ng, a i should perv^e the history of Christianity, mere submission to a superior authority. « was found another that should preside over Prom this first error there necessarilir pro* its doctrine. This was the great idea of ceeded a second. Faith being thus strip^ Christianity— the idea of grace, of pardon, of of its practical character, it was impossible amnesty, of the gift of eternal life. This to say that it. alone had power to save : as idea supposed in man an alienation from works no longer were its fruits, they wore God, and an inability of returning by any of necessity placed side by side with it, and power of his own into communion ^th that the doctrine that man is justified by faith mfinitely holy being. The opposition be- and by works prevailed in the Church. In tween the true and the false doctrine un- place of that Christian unity which comprises doubtedly cannot be entirely summed up in m a single principle justification and works, the question of salvation by faith or by works, grace and tne law, doctrine and duty, suo- Nevertheless it is its moat striking charac- ceeded that melancholy duality which re- teristic. But further, salvation considered gards religion and morality as two entirely as coming from man, is the creative principle distinct things — that fatal error, which, by of every error and abuse. The excesses pro- separating tilings that cannot live unless duced by this fundamental error led to the united, and by putting the soul on one side Reformation, and by the profession of the and the body on the other, is the cause of contrary principle it was carried out. This spiritual death. The words of tho apostle, feature should therefore be very prominent re-echoing across tho interval of ages aro in an introduction to the history of that re- — ** Having l^gun in the spirit, aro yo now form. made perfect by the flesh ?” Salvation by grace was tho second charac- Another great error contributed still fur- teristic which essentially distinguished the ther to unsettle tho doctrine of grace ; this religion of God from all human systems, was Pelagianism. Pelagius asserted that What had now become of it? the human nature is not fallen — that there is Church preserved, as a precious deposit, this no hereditary corruption, and that man, great and primordial thought ? Let us trace having received the power to do good, has its history. only to will in order to perform. * If good The inhabitants of Jerusalem, of Asia, works consist only in external acts, Pcla^us of Greece, and of Rome, in the tinie^ of the is right. But if wo look to the motives first emperors, heard these glad tidings: whence these outward acts proceed, wo find “ By grace are ye saved through feith ; and every where in man’s nature selfishness, for- that not of yourselves ; it is the gift of Gpd” * gctfulness of God, pollution, and impotoncy. At this proclamation of peace, at this joyful | The Pelagian doctrine, expelled by Augus- news, at this word of power, mainr^ gmlty tine from the Church when it had presented souls believed, and were drawn to Him who itself boldly, insinuated itself as demi-Pela- is the source of peace ; and numerous Chris- giauism, and under the mask of tho Augustine tian Churches were formed in the midst of forms of expression. This error spread with the degenerate nations of that age. astonishing rapidity throughout Christen- But a great mistake was iwon made as to dom. Tho danger of tho doctrine was par- the nature of this saving faith. Faith, ac- ticularly manifested in this, — that by placing cording to St. Paul, is the means by which goodness without and not within, the heart, the whole being of the believer— his under- it get a great value on external actions, standing, heart, and will — enter into pos- legal observances, and penitential works, session of the salvation purchased for him by The more these practices were observed, the the incarnation and death of the Son of God. more righteous man became : by them Jesus Christ is apprehended by faith, and heaven was gained ; and soon the extrava- from that hour becomes idl thmgs^ to man gant idea prevailed that there are men who and in man. He communicates a divine life have advanced in holiness beyond what was to our human nature; and man thus re- required of them. newed, and freed from the chains of sin and ^ilstPela^nism corrupted the Christian self, feels new affections and performs new doctrine, it strengthened the hierarchy. The works. Faith, says the theologian in order j hand that lowered grace, exalted the Church : to express his ideas, is the subjective appro- for grace is God, the Church is man. priation of the objective v ork of Christ. If } Vell^ ot esM ad homlnfini reforenda sunt, oula da a^ bitrll fonts doscenduut. FeiniiliiiD Aug. Do Oratia Dei, cap. 4. 14 II joa— Dead Faitli—VoAs— Unity and Dnallty-Pelaglan. tom-^SalTatton at the hands of the Prteste— Penanoa- Plegellatlon»-Indul«noeB-Worlw of SupererogaMon,— Puxgateri— The Tanfl^uhllee— The Papacy and Ohrls- tlanlty^tate of Obrlstendom. But side bv side with the pnnciple that ‘ 1 Ephos. 11. a D’AUBIOM^’avBlSTOST OF TEE REFORMATION. The wore we feel the truth thM att men Great importance was soon attfushed to are guiliy before God, the more also shall we external marks of repentance— to tears fast- cling to Christ as the only sotliee of grace, ing, and mortification of the flesh; and the How could we then jplace the Church in the inward regeneration of the heart, which alone same rank with Chnst, siJice it is but an as- constitutes a real conversion, was forgotten, semhly of all those who kre fbund in the “'‘“'‘.“7: -.r: I same wretched state by nature ? But so / the extirpation of sin*and the abandomnent soon as we attribute to man a peealiar bolt- 1 of vice, many ceased contending against the nesSj a personal mcritj every thin^ie changed. ’ lusts of the flesh, and preferred gratifying The clergy and: the monks are looked upon them at the expense of a fewmortiflcations. as the most natural channels through which The penitential works, thus substituted to receive the grace of God. This was what for the salvation of God, were multiplied in happened often after the times of Polagius. the Church from TertuUian down to the thir- Salvation, taken from the hands of God, fell teenth century. Men were required to fast, into those of the priests, who set themselves to go barefoot, to wear no lincni^&c. ; to quit in the place of our Lord. Souls thirsting for thoir homes and their native land for distant pardon were no more to look to heaven, but countries ; or to renounce the world and em- to the Church, and above all to its pretended brace a monastic life, head. To these blinded souls the Koman In the eleventh century voluntary fiagel- pontiff was God. Hence the greatness of lations were snperadded to these practices ; the popes — Whence unutterable abuses. The somewhat later they became quite a mania evil spread still further. When Pelagian- in Italy, which was then in a very disturbed ism laid down the doctrine that man could state. Nobles and peasants, old and young, attain a state of perfect sanctification, it evenchildrenoffiveyearsof age, whose only affirmed also that the merits of saints and covering was a cloth tied round the middle, martra might be applied to the Church. A went in pairs, by humireds, thousands, and peculiar power was attributed to their inter- tens of thousands, through the towns and cession. Prayers wore made to them ; their villages, visiting the churches in the depth aid was invoked in all the sorrows of life; of winter. ArmSiwith scourges, they flogged and a real idolatry thus supplanted the each other without pity, and the streets re- adoration of the living and true God. sounded with cries and groans that drew At the same time, Pelagianism multiplied tears from all who heard them, rites and ceremonies. Man, imagining tliat Still, long before the disease hod reached he could and that he ought by good works such a height, the priest-ridden world had to render himself deserving of grace, saw no sighed for deliverance. The priests them- fitter means of meriting it than acts of exter- solves had found out, that if they did not nal worship. The ceremonial law became apply a remedy their usurped poww would infinitely complicated, and was soon put on slip from their hands. They accordingly in- a level, to say the least, with the moral law. vented that system of barter celebrated un- Thuswere the consciences of Christians bur- der the title of Indulgences. They said to dened Jinew with a yoke that had been de- their penitents ; “ You cannot accomplish dared insupportable in tlie times of the the tasks imposed on you. Well I we, the apostles.K priests of God and your pastors, will take But it was especially by the system of this heavy burden upon ourselves. For a penance, which flowed immediately from seven weeks’ fast,” said Regino, abbot of Pelagianism, that Christianity was prverted. Prum, “ you shall my twenty pence, if you At first, penance had consisted m certain are rich; ten, if less wealthy; and three public egressions of repentance, required pence if you are poor ; and so on for other Dy the Church from those wh Roman avarice soon fixed each Jubilee at tism, these merits of Jesus Christ and of the fifty, then at thirty-three, and lastly at saints, according to ^e measure and the twenty-five years* interval. Then, for the quantity his sins require. Who would ven- greater convenience of purchasers, and^ the ture to attack a custom of such holy origin? greater profit of the sellers, both the jubi- This inconceivable traffic was soon extend- lee and its indulgences were transported ed and complicated. The philosophers of from Romo to every market-place in Ch^s- Alexandria had spoken of a fire in which men tendom. It was no longer necessary to were to be purified. Many ancient doctors leave one’s home. What others had gone in had adopted this notion ; and Rome declared search of beyond the Alps, each man could this philosophical opinion a tenet of the now buy at his own door. Church. The pope by a bull annexed Pur- The evil could not become greater, gatory to his domain. In that place, he de- Then the Reformer appeared, clared, men would have to expiate the sins Wo have seen what had become of the that could not be expiated here on earth; principle that was destined to govern the but that indulgences would liberate their history of Christianity; wo have seen also souls from that intermediate vtate in which what became of that which should have per- their sins would detain them. Thomas vaded its doctrines : both were lost. Aquinas set forth this doctrine in his famous To set up a mediatorial caste between Summa TheohguB. No means were spared God and man — to obtain by works, by pen- to fill the mind with terror. The priests ance, and by money, the salvation which is depicted in horrible colours the torments the free gift of God — such is Popery, inflicted by this purifying fire on all who To open to all, through Jesus Christ, with- became its prey. In many Roman-catholic out any human mediator, without that power countries we may still see paintings ex- which calls itself the Church, free access to hibited in the churches and public places, the great boon of eternal life which God wherein poor souls, from the midst of glow- offers to man — such is Christianity and the ing flames, invoke with anguish some alle- Reformation. viation of their pain. Who could refuse the I*opery is a lofty barrier erected by the ransom which, falling into the treasury of labour of a^es between God and man. If Rome, would redeem the soul from such tor- any one desires to scale it, he must pay or he ments ? must suffer ; and even then ho will not sur- ^mewhat later, in order to reduce this mount it. traffic to a system, they invented (probably The Reformation is the power that has under John aXII.) the celebrated and scan- overthrown this barrier, that has restored dalous Tariff of Indulgences, which has gone Christ to man, and has thus opened a level though more than forty editions. The least path by which he may reach his Creator, delicate ears would be offended by an enume- Popery interposes the Church between ration of all the horrors it contains. Incest, God and man* if not detected, was to cost five groats ; and Primitive Christianity and the Reforma- six, if it was known. There was a stated tion bring God and man face to face, price for murder, infanticide, adultery, per- Popery separates them — ^the Gospel unites jury, burglary, &c. “ O disgrace of Rome I ” them, exclaims Claude d’Espence, a Roman divine : and we may add, 0 disgrace of human nature! After having thus traced the history of for we can utter no reproach against Rome the declme«nd fall of the two great prmci- that docs not recoil on man himself. Rome pies that were to distinguish the religion of is human nature exalted in some of its worst God from all human systems, let us sec what propensities. We say this that we may were some of the consequences of this im- speak the truth ; we say it also, that we may menso transformation, be just. But first let us pay duo honour to the .Boniface VIII., the most daring and am- Church of the Middle Ages, which succeed- bitious pontiff after Gregory VII., was en- ed that of the apostles and of the fathers, and abled to effect still more than his predeces- which preceded that of the reformers. The sors. Church was still the Cliurch, although fallen. In the year 1300, he published a bull, in and daily more and more enslaved : that is which he declared to the (liurch that every to say, she was always the greatest friend of hundred years all who made a pilgrimage to man. Her hands, thoimh bound, could still Rome should receive a plens^ indulgence, be raised to bless. Eminent servants of From all parts, from Italy, Sicily, Sardinia, Jesus Qirist, who were true Protestants as Corsica, France, Spain, Gfermany, and Hun- regards the essential dxx^trines of Christiah- ' (^ary^ people flocked in crowds. Old men of ity, diffused a cheering light during the dar|ip sixty and seventy undertook the journey, ages; and in the humblest convent, in the and in one*month two hundred thousand pil- remotest parish, migKf^ found poor monks 16 D^AUBIGNE^S HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. and poor priests to alleviate great sufferings. The Catholic church was not the Papacy. The latter was the oppressor, the former tne oppressed. The Reformation, which de- clared war against the one, came to deliver the other. And it must bo confessed that the Papa(^ itself became at times in the hands of God, who brings good out of evil, a necessary counterpoise to the power and ambition of princes. CHAPTER III. ReUrion—ReHca—Easterllerela— Moraig— CoiTuptfdn— DI b- oraers of the PrlestB, Bishops, and Popes— A Papal Family —Alexander VI.— Oiesar Borgia— Education— Ignorance— Clceronlaus. Let us now see what was the state of the Church previous to the Reformation. The nations of Christendom no longer looked to a holy and living God for the free gift of eternal life. To obtain it, they were obliged to have recourse to all the means that a superstitious, fearful, and alarmed imagination could devise. Heaven was filled with saints and mediators, whoso duty it was to solicit this mercy. Earth was filled with pious works, sacrifices, observ- ances, and ceremonies, by which it was to be obtained. Here is a picture of the religion of this period transmitted to us by one who was long a monk, and afterwards a fellow- labourer of Luther’s — by Mycoiiius : — “ The sufferings and merits of Christ were looked upon as an idle tale, or as the fictions of Homer. There was no thought of the faith by which we become partakers of the Saviour’s righteousness and of the heritage of eternal life. Clirist was looked upon as a severe judge, prepared to condemn all who should not have recourse to the intercession of the saints, or to the papal indulgences. Other intercessors appeared in his place : — first the Virgin Mary, like the Diana of pa- ganism, and then the saints, whoso numbers were continually augmented by the popes. These mediators granted their intercession only to such applicants as had deserved well of tho orders founded by them. For this it was necessary to do, not what God had com- manded in his Word, but to perform a num- ber of works invented by monks and priests, and which brought money to tho treasury. These works were Ave-Marias, the prayers of Saint Ursula and of Saint Bridget : they must chant and cry nighf and day. There were as man^ resorts for pilgrims as there were mountains, forests, and valleys. But these penances might be compounded for with money. The people, therefore, brought to the convents and to the priests money and every thing that had any value — ^’fowls, ducks, geese, eggs, wax, straw, butter, and cheese. Then the hymns resounded, the bells rang, incense filleu the sanctuary, sacri- fices were offered up, the larders overflowed, the glasses went round, and masses termi- nated and concealed these pious ormes. The bishops no longer preached, but they conse- crated priests, bells, monks, churches, chapels, images, l^oks, and cemeteries ; and all this brought in a large revenue. Bones, arms, and feet were preserved in gold and silver boxes ; they were given out during mass for the faithful to kiss, and this too was a source of great profit. “ All these people maintained that the pope, ‘ sitting as Gfxi in the temple of God,'i could not err, and they would not suffer any contradiction.”* In the church of All Saints at Wittemberg was shown a fragment of Noah’s ark, some soot from the ^mace of the Throe Children, a piece of wood from the cradle of Jesus Christ, some hair from the beard of St. Chris- topher, and nineteen thousand other relics of greater or less value. At Schaffhausen was exhibited the breath of St. Joseph that Nicodemus had received in his glove. In Wurtemberg you might meet a seller of indulgences, vending his merchandise, his head adorned with a laige feather plucked from the wing of St. Michael.® But it was not necessary to travel far in search of these precious treasures. Men who farmed tho relics traversed the whole country, hawking them about the rural districts (as has since been the case with the Holy Scriptures), and carrying them to the houses of the faithful, to spare them the trouble and expense of a pilgrimage. They were exhibited with pomp m tho churches. These wandering hawkers paid a stipulated sum to the owners of the relics, — a per-centage on their profits. The kingdom of heaven had disappeared, and in its place a market of abominations had been opened upon earth. Thus a spirit of profanity had invaded re- Pgion; and the holiest recollections of the Church, the seasons which more particularly summoned the faithful to holy meditation and love, were disgraced by buffoonery and heathenish profanation. The “ Revels of Easter” held a distinguished place in the records of the Church. As the festival of the resurrection of Christ ought to be cele- brated with joy, the preachers studied in their sermons every thing that might raise a laugh among their hearers. One imitated the note of tho cuckoo ; another hissed like a goose. One dragged to the altar a layman robed in a monk’s frock; a second related tho most indecent stories; and a third re- counted the tricks of St. Peter, and among others, how in a tavern he had cheated his host by not paying his reckoning.* The 1 3 Thessalonlftns, 11. 4*., „ . .. ^ # 2 Myconius, History of the Reformation i and Seokendorf. History of Lutheranism. a MUllcr’s Reliquien, vol. ill. p. 22. 4 (Ecolampad., Oe Rlsu Paschali. 17 D’AUBIGNfi’S HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. lower clergy took advautoge of this oppor* had only hidden there a leaven of corruption tunity to ridicule their superiors. The stolen from the power of eviL The history churches were converted into a mere stage of the age swarms with scandals. In many for nlountebanks, and the priests into bm"' places, the people were delighted at seeing foons, a priest keep a mistress, that the married If such was the state of religion, what must women might be safe from his seductions.! have been the state of morals ? What humiliating scenes did the house of a Undoubtedly the corruption was not at that pastor in those days present I The wretched // time universal Justice requires that this man supported the woman and the cliiJdren II should not be forgotten. The Reformation j she hadoome him with the tithes and offer- elicited numerous examples of piety, right- j ings.* His conscience was troubled : he eousness, and strength of mind. The spon- 1 blushed in the presence of the people, before taneous action of God’s power was the cause ; his domestics, and before God. The mother, but how can we deny that he had beforehand fearing to come to want if the^ priest should deposited the seeds of this new life in the die, made provision against it beforehand, bosom of the Church ? If in our days we and robbed Tier own house. Her honour was should bring togetlier all the immoralities, lost. Her cliildren were ever a living accu- all the turpitudes committed in a single sation against her. Despised by all, they country, the mass of corruption would doubt- plunged into quarrels and debauchery. Such less shock us still. Nevertheless, tlie evil at was the family of the priest I These were tiiis period wore a cliaracter and universality frightful scenes, by which the people knew that it has not borne subsequently. And, how to profit.* above all, the mystery of iniquity desolated The ruriil districts were the scene of nu- the holy places, as it has not been permitted merous disorders. The abodes of the clergy to do since tlio days of the Reformation. were often dens of coiTuption. Comeille Morality had declined with the decline of Adrian at Bruges,* the abbot Trinklcr at Cap- faith. The tidings of the gift of eternal life pel,® imitated the manners of the East, imd is the power of God to regenerate man. had their harems. Priests, consorting wdth Take away the salvation which God has dissolute characters, frequented the taverns, given, and you take away sanctification and played at dice, and crowned their orgies with good works. And this result followed. quarrels and blasphemy.® The doctrine and the sale of indulgences The council ol Schaffhausen forbade the were powerful incentives to evil among an priests to dance in public, except at mar- ignorant people. True, according to the riages, and to carry more than one kind of Church, indulgences could benefit those only arms ; they decreed also that all who were who promised to amend their lives, and who found in houses of ill fame should be un- kept their word. But what could bo expected frocked.^ In the archbishopric of Mentz, from a tenet invented solely with a view to they scaled the walls by night, and created the profit that might bo derived from it? all kinds of disorder and confusion in the inns The venders of indulgences were naturally «and taverns, and broke the doors and locks.® tempted, for the better sale of their nierchan- In many places the priest paid the bishop a disc, to present their wares to the people in regular tax for the woman with whom he the most attractive and seducing aspect, lived, and for each child he had by her. A The learned themselves did not fully under- German bishop said publicly one day, at a stand the doctrine. All that the multitude great cntcrtixinment, that in one year eleven saw in them was, that they permitted men thousand priests had presented themselves to sin; and the merchants were not over before him for that purpose. It is Erasmus eager to dissipate an error so favourable to who relates this.® their sale. If we go higher in the hierarchical order, What disorders and crimes were commit- ted in these dark ages, when impunity was to be purchased by money I What had man to fear, when a small contribution towards building a church secured him from the fear of punishment in the world to come ? What hope could there be of revival when all com- munication between God and man was cut off, and man, an alien from God, who is the spirit and the life, moved only in a round of paltry ceremonies and sensual observances, in an atmosphere of death I The priests were the first who yielded to this corrupting influence. By desiring to exalt themselves they became abased. They had aimed at robbing God of a ray of his glory, and placing it in their own Ibosoras ; but their attempt had proved vain, and they wc find the corruption not less great. The dignitaries of the (^lurch preferred the tu- mult of camps to the hymns of the altar. To be able, lance in hand, to reduce his neigh- bours to obedience, was one of the chief puri- fications of a bishop. Baldwin, archbishop of Treves, was continually at war with his neighbours and his vassals : he demolished their castles, built strongholds, and thought of nothing but the extension of his territory. 1 Nlcol. De Clemanfffs, de Prnsullb. SimonlAcis. 2 The words of Sob. Stor., pastor of Lichstall In 1524. a FllBSlinBeytriBgo.Il. 224. * Mctem. Nederl. Hist. vUl. ® Hottinger, Hist. Bccles. ix. 305. * Steublng, Gesch. der Ntga Oran. Lands. * uno anno ad so delata undeclm milUa sacerdotnm pa* lam coQCublnarlorum. Erasml 0pp. Ix. 401. I D’AUBIGNi’S HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. A owtain bishop of Eiohgtadt, when admin- He waanarried bleeding to his own istering justice, wore a coat of mail under apartments. His wife and sister did not his robes, and held a large sword in his hand, leave him; and fearful that Caesar would He used to say he was not afraid of five bar- employ poison, they prepared his meals with baiians, provided they did but attack him in their own hands. Alexander set a guard on fair fight. ' Everywhere the bishops were the doors ; but Caesar ridiculed tliese precau- continually at war T^th their towns. The tions, and remarked, as the pope was about citizens-^ demanded li^rty, the bishops re- to pay a visit to his son-in-law, “ Wliat is f quired implicit obedience. If the latter not done at dinner, will bo done at snppcr, ” gained the victory, they punished the re- Accordingly, one day ho gained admittnneo volters by sacrificing numerous victims to to the chamber of the convalescent, tumed their vengeance j but the fiame of insurrec- out the wife and sister, and calling in his tion burst out again, at the very moment executioner Michilotto, the only man in when it was thought to bo extinguished. whom he placed any confidence, ordered his And what a spectacle was presented by brother-indaw to be strangled before his the pontifical throne in the times immedi- eyes.^ Alexander had a favourite, i*erotto, ately preceding the Keformation I Rome, it whose influence also offended the young must be acknowledged, had seldom witnessed duke. He rushed upon him : Perotto took so much infamy. ^ refuge under the pontificiil mantle, and Rodrigo Borgia, after having lived with a clasped the pope in his arms. Caesar stabbed Roman lady, had continued the same illicit him, and tlie blood of liis victim spirted in connexion with one of her daughters, named the face of the pontiff.® “ The pope,” adds Rosa Vanozza, hy whom he had five chil- contemporary and eyo-witness of these di'cn. He was a cardinal and archbishop, scenes, “ loves the duke his son, and lives in living at Rome with Vanozza and other great fear of him.” women, visiting the churches and the hos- Cscsar was the handsomest and strongest pitals, when the death of Innocent VIII. man of his ago. 8ix wild bulls fell easily created a vacancy in the pontifical chair, beneath his blows in single combat. Every He succeeded in obtaining it by bribing each morning some new victim was found, wlio cardinal at a stipulated price. Four mules bad been assassinated during the night in laden vrith silver publicly entered Ibo palace the Roman streets. Poison carried off those of Sforza, one of tne most influential of the whom the dagger could not reach. No one cardinals. Borgia became pope under the dared move or breathe in Koiiic, for fear that name of Alexander VI., and rejoiced in thus his turn should come next. Caesar Borgia attaining tlie summit of earthly felicity. was the hero* of crime. That spot of etirth On the day of his coronation, his son in which iniquity had attained such a height Caesar, a youth of ferocious and di.ssolute was the throne of tho pontiffs. When man innnners, was created archbishop of Valencia gives himself up to the powers of evil, the and bishop of Pampelima. He next cole- higlicr lie claims to be exalted before God, hrated in the Vatican the marriage of his the lower he sinks into the abyss of hell, d/iughtcr Lucrctia, by festivities at which The dissolute entertainments given by the his mistress, Julia Bella, w'as pi'csent, and pope, his son Caesar, and his daughter Lu- which were enlivened by licentious plays cretia, in tho pontifical palace, cannot he and songs. “ All the clergy,” says an his- described or even thought of without sbud- torian,® “kept mistresses, and all the con- dcring. The impure groves of antiquity saw vents of the coital were bouses of ill fame.” notliing like them. Historians have accused Caesar Borgia espoused tho cause of the Alexander and luicretia of incest ; but this Gaelfs; ana when by their assistance he had charge does not appear sufficiently estab- dcstroyed the Gliihellines, ho turned upon lished. The pope had prepared poison in a tho Guelfs and crushed them in their turn, box of sweetmeats that was to be served up But be desired to share alone in all these after a sumptuous repast : tho cardinal for spoils. In 1497, Alexander gave the duchy whom it was intended being forewarned, of Benevento to his eldest son. Tlie duke gained over the attendant, and the ])oisoned suddenly disappeared. A faggot-dealer, on box was set before Alexander. ® He ate of the banks of the Tiber, one George Schiavoni, it and died. “ The whole city ran together, had soon a dead body thrown into tlie stream and could not satiate their eyes with gazing during the night ; but he said notliing of it, on this dead viper.”* as being a common occurrence. The body Such was the man who filled tho papal of the duke was found. His brother Caesar chair at the beginning of the century in had been the instigator of his death.® This which the Reformation burst forth, was not enough. His brother-in-law stood Thus had the clergy brought not only in his way: one day C»sar caused him to themselves but religion into disrepute. Well be stabbed on the very stairs of the pontifical might a powerful voice exclaim: “ The 1 Sohmldt, Oeseb. der Deutseheu, vol. t. * InfesBura. » Aniaxz6 il fratello ducha dl Qandia e lo fa butar nel MS. of Oapollo, ambasaador at Borne in 1600, ex- tracted by Kanke. 19 1 Intro in, camera fe usslr la moslleeBorella estrangolb dlto zovene. MS. of Oapello. Ranke. < Adeo il sangue 11 saltO in la faza del papa. Ibid, s B messe In scutola venenata avanto il papa. Sanato. 4 Gordon, Tomasl, Infessura, Guicciardini, Ac. D’AUBIGN^S HISTOBY OF THE BEFOKMATION. mlesiastical order is opposed to God and to ligion is niined, if you permit the study of his ^lory. The people Rnow it well ; and Greek and Hebrew.” this is but top plainly shown by the many If any learning was found here and there songs, proverbs, and jokes against the priests, among the clergy, it was not in sacred lite- H that are current amonff the commonalty, and. ratnre. The Gceronians of Italy affected a jj all those caricatures of monks and priests on / great^contempt for the Bible on account of every wall, and even on the playing-cards. * its style, I*retended priests of the Church of Every one feels a loathing on seeing or Christ translated the writings of holy men, hearing a priest in the distance.” It is inspired by the Spirit of God, in the stylo of Luther who speaks thus. ^ Virgil and of Horace, to accommodate their mi ^ .1 1 *1 1 ii 1 _ll 1 1 j.. xl. ^ The evil had spread through all ranks : language to the ears of good society. Car- “ a strong delusion ” had been sent among dinal Bembo, instead of the Bbly Ghost, used men ;* the corruption of manners correspon- to write the breath of the heavenly zephyr ; for ded with the corruption of faith. A mystery the expression to forgive sins — to bend the of iniquity oppressed the enslaved Church of manes and the sovereign gods ; and for Christ, Christ. the Son of God — Minerva sprung from the head the Son of God — Minerva sprung ft of Jupiter, Finding one ^y the from the' neglect into which the fundamental dolet engaged in translating the Epistle to doctrine of the Gospel had fallen. Ignorance the Romans, ho said to him : Leave these of the understanding accompanied the cor- childish matters : such fooleries do not be- ruption of the heart. The priests having come a sensible man.” - taken into their hands the distribution of a These were some of the consequences of salvation that belongs only to God, had the system that then oppressed Christendom, secured a sufficient title to the respect of the This picture undoubtedly demonstrates the people. What need had they to study sacred corruption of the Church, and the necessity learning? It was no longer a question of for a reformation. Such was our design in explaining the Scriptures, but of granting writing this sketch. The vital doctrines of letters of indulgence ; and for this ministry it was not necessary to have acquired much learning. In country places, they chose for preachers, says W’imphelin g, “ miserable wretches whom they had previously raised from beggary, and who had been cooks, musicians, hunts- men, stable-boys, and even worse.”® The superior clergy themselves were often sunk in great ignorance. A bishop of Dun- feld congratulated himself on having never learnt either Greek or Hebrew. The monks asserted that all heresies arose from those two languages, and particularly from the Greek. “ 'J’he New Testament,” said one of them, “ is a book full of serpents and thorns. Greek,” continued he, “is a new and recently invented language, and we must be upon our guard against it. As for Hebrew, iny dear brethren, it is certain that all who leani it, immediately become Jews.” Heresbach, a friend of Erasmus, and a respectable author, reports these expressions. Thomas Linacer, Christianity had almost entirely disappeared, and with them the life and light that consti- tute the essence of the religion of God. The material strength of the Church was gone. It lay an exhausted, enfeebled, and almost lifeless body, extended over that part of the world which the Roman empire had occu- pied. two languages, and particularly from the CHAPTER IV. Greek. “ The New Testament,” said one of them, “ is a book full of serpents and thorns, imperishable Nature of ChrisUonIty-Two Laws of Ood- Greek,” continued he, “ is a new and recently invented l«ge, and we must ^ upon our guard against it. As lor liCbrew, iny dear ration and Expectation. brethren, it is certain that all who leani it, immediately become Jews.” Heresbach, a The evils which thus afflicted Christendom ; friend of Erasmus, and a respectable author, superstition. Unbelief, ignorance, vain specu- reports these expressions. Thomas Linacer, lations, and corruption of morals — ^thc natu- a learned and celebrated ecclesiastic, had ral fruits of the heart of man — were not new never read the Now Testament. In his latter upon the earth. Often had they appeared in days Hn 1624) , he called for a Copy, but the history of nations. They had invaded, the history of nations. They had invaded, quickly threw it away from him with an especially in the East, the different religious oath, Decause on opening it his eyes had systems that had seen their day of glory, glanced upon these words ; “ But I say unto Those enervated systems had sunk under you, Swear not at all.” Now ho was a great these evils, had fallen under their attack, swearer. “ Either this is not the Gospel,” and not one of them had ever risen again. said he, “ or else we are not Christians.”^ Even the faculty of theology at Paris scru- pled not to declare to the parliament : “ Re- > Dft man an alle Winde, auf a1IerieyZeddel,zu1etzt auch |uf don Karteneplelen, Pfaffon, und MUnclic malete. Luth. r* Thess. II. 11. Was Christianity now to undergo the same fate ? Would it be lost like these old national religions? Would the blow that had caused their death be sufficient to do- prive it of life? Could nothing save it? Will these hostile powers that overwhelm it, and which have already overthrown so many 1 Fellerl.Mon. ined. p. 400. D’AUBIGNJ^I’S HISTORY OP THE REFORMATION. various systems of worship, be able to seat tinguish and recognise the different means themselves without resistance on the ruins by which God prepared the wav for thu of the Church of Jesus Christ? great revolution. ^ ® No 1 There is in Christianity what none of At the period when the Reformation was these national systems possessed. It does / about to burst forth, Rome appeared in noace not, like them, present certain general ideas / and security. One might nave said* that mingled with tradition and fable, destined to nothing could ever disturb her in her triumph: fall sooner or later under the assault of reason: great victories had been achieved by her. it contains a pure and undehled truth, found- The general councils — those upper and lower edrf)n facts capable of bearing the examina- chambers of Catholicism — ^had men subdued, tion of every upright and enlightened mind. The Waldenses and the Hussites had been Christianity does not propose merely to ex- crushed. No university, except perhaps that cite in man certain vague religious feelings, of Paris, which sometimes raised its voice at whoso charm once lost can never be reco- the signal of its kings, doubted the infalli- vered : its object is to satisfy, and it does bility i)f the oracles of Rome. Every one really satisfy, all the religious wants of hu- seemed to have taken his own share of its man nature, whatever may be the degree of power. The higher orders of the clergy development which it has attained. It is preferred giving to a distant chief the tithe not the work of man, whoso labours pass of their revenues, and tranquilly to consume away and are forgotten ; it is the work of the remainder, to risking all for an indepen- God, who upholds what he has created ; and denco that would cost them dear and would it has the promise of its Divine Head as the bring them little profit. The inferior clergy, pledge of its duration. attracted by the prospect of brilliant stations, It is impossible for human nature ever to which their ambition painted and discovered rise BUjfenor to Christianity. And if for a in the distance, willingly purchased by a time man thought he could do without it, it little slavery the flattering hopes they che- soon appeared to him with fresh youth and rished. Besides, they were every where so a new life, as the only remedy for souls, oppressed by the chiefs of the hierarchy, that The degenerate nations then returned with they could scarcely stir under their powerful new ardour towards those ancient, simple, hands, and much less raise themselves and and powerful truths, which in the hour of make head against them. The people bent their infatuation they had despised. the knee before the Roman altar ; and even In fiict, Christianity manifested in the six- kings themselves, who began in secret to teenth century the same regenerative power despise the bishop of Rome, would not have that it liad exercised at first. After fifteen dared lay hands upon his power for fear of centuries the same truths produced the same the imputation of sacrilege, effects. In the day of the Reformation, But if external opposition appeared to have as in the time of Peter and Paul, the Gospel subsided, or even to have entirely ceased, overthrew mighty obstacles with irresistible when the Reformation broke out, its internal force. Its sovereign power displayed its strength had increased. If we take a nearer efficacy from north to south among nations view of the edifice, we discover more than the. most dissimilar in manners, character, one symptom that foreboded its destruction, and intellectual development. Then, as in The cessation of the general councils had the times of Stephen and James, it kindled scattered their principles throughout the the fire of enthusiasm and devotedness in Church, and carried disunion into the camp the lifeless nations, and elevated them to the of their opponents. The defenders of the height of martyrdom. hierarchy were divided into two parties : How was this revival of the Cliurch accom- those who maintained the system of absolute plished? papal dominion, according to the maxims of We observe here two laws by which God Hildebrand ; and those who desired a con- go vems the Church in all times. stitutional papal government, offering sccu- First he prepares slowly and from afar ritics and liberty to the several ChuitHies.^ that which ne designs to accomplish. He And more than this, in both parties faith has ages in which to work. in the infallibility of the Roman bishop had Then, when the time is come, he effects been rudely shaken. If no voice was raised the greatest results by the smallest means, to attack it, it was because every one felt It is thus he acts in nature and in history, anxious rather to preserve the little faith he When he wishes to produce a majestic tree, still possessed. They dreaded the slightest ho deposits a small seed in the bosom of the shock, lest it should overthrow the whole earth » when he wishes to renovate his edifice. Christendom held its breath ; but it Church, he employs the meanest instruments was to prevent a calamity in which it feared to s^omplish what emperors and learned and to perish. From the moment that man distinguished men in the Church could not trembles to abandon a long-worshipped per- eftect. 'We shall soon go in search of, and suasion, he possesses it no more. And he we shall discover, tliat small seed which a will not muen longer keep up the appearance Divine hand placed in the earth in the days that he wishes to maintain, of the Reformation. But we must here dis- Tiie Reformation had been gradually pre- D’AUBIGN^S HISTORY OP THE REFORMATION. pared by €rod’s providence in three different I cient for the overthrow of Rome. But for- spheres — the pofiticaly the ecclesiastical, and / tunafely for her the education of the princes the literary. Princes and their subjects^ / was every where in the bands of her adepts, Christians and divines, the learned and the who inspired their august pupils with senti- wise, contributed to bring about this revolu- ments of veneration towards the Roman pon- tion of the sixteenth century. Let us pass tiff. The rulers of the people ctcw up in in review this triple classification, finishing the sanctuary of the Chur^. Princes of with that of literature, which was perhaps ordinary capacity never entirely got beyond the most powerful in the times immediately it : many longed only to return to it at the preceding the reform. hour of death. They preferred dying ki a And, firstly, Rome had lost much of her friar’s cowl to dying beneath a crown, ancient credit in the eyes of nations and of Italy — that European apple of discord — kings. Of this the Church itself was the contributed perhaps more than anything primary cause. The errors and superstitions else to open the eyes of kings. They had to wliich she had introduced into Cfiristiaiiity contract alliances with the pope, which had were not, properly speaking, what had in- reference to the temporal pnnee of the States flic ted the mortal wound. The Cliristian of the Clmrch, anci not to the bishop of world must have been raised above the clergy bishops. Kings were astonished at seeing in intellectual and religious development, to the popes ready to sacrifice the rights belong- have been able to judge of it in this point of ing to the pontiff, in order that they miglit view. But there was an order of things preserve some advantage to the prince, within the comprehension of the laity, and They perceived that these pretended organs by this the Church was judged. It had be- of the truth had recourse to all the paltry come altogether earthly. That sacerdotal wiles of policy, — to deceit, dissimulation, and dominion which lorded over the nations, and perjury. i Then fell off the bandage which which could not exist except by the delusion education had bound over the eyes of princes, of its subjects, and by the halo that encircled Then the artful Ferdinand of Aragon played it, had forgotten its nature, left heaven and stratagem against stratagem. Then the im- its spheres of light and glory to mingle in the petuous Louis XII. liad a medal struck, with vulgar interests of citizens and prinecs. The the inscription, Perdam Bahylonis Nomev.^ priests, born to bo the representatives of the And the good Maximilian of Austria, pieved opirit, had bartered it away for the flesh, at hearing of the treachery of J^co X., said They had abandoned the treasures of science openly : “ This pope also, in my opinion, is and the spiritual power of the Word, for the a scoundrel. Xow may I say, that never in brute force and false glory of the age. my life has any pope kept Ins faith or his Tliis hnppened naturally enough. It was word with me.... I hope, God willing, this in truth the spiritual order which the Church will be the last of them. ”3 had at first undertaken to defend. But to Kings and people then began to feel im- protcct it against the resistance and attacks patient under the heavy burden the popes of the people, she had recourse to earthly had laid upon tliem. They demanded that means, to vulgar arms, which a false policy Rome should relievo them from tithes, tri- had induced her to take up. When once the butes, and annates, which exhausted tlioir Cliurch had begun to handle such weapons, resources. Already had Franco opposed her spirituality was at an end. Her arm Rome with the Pragmatic Sanction, and the could not become temporal and lier heart not chiefs of the empire claimed the like immu- becomc temporal also. Erelong was seen nity. The emperor was present in person at apparently the reverse of what had been at the council of Pisa in 1511, and even for a first. After resolving to employ earth to de- time entertained the idea of securing the fetid heaven, slic made use of heaven to Papacy to himself. But of all these leaders, defend the earth. Theocratic forms became none was so useful to the Reformation as he in her hands the means of accomplishing in whose states it was destined to corn- worldly enterprises. The offerings which mcnce. the people laid at the feet of the sovereign Frederick of Saxony, sumamed the Wise, pontiff of Cliristendom were (unployed in was at that time the most powerful of all the maintaining the splendour of his court and Electors. Coming to the government of the in paying his armies. His spiritual powejj hereditary states of his family in 1487, he served as steps by which to place tlic kings had received the electoral dignity from the and nations of the earth under his feet. The emperor; and in 1493, having gone on a charm ceased, and the power of the Church pilgrimage to Jerusalem, he was niere made was lost, so soon as the men of those days a knight of the Holy ^pulchre. The in- could say, She is become as one of us. fluence he exercised, his wealth and liberality. The great were the first to scrutinize the raised him above his equals. God chose him titles of this imaginary powcr.i This veiy to serve as a tree under whose shelter the examination might perhaps have been sufn- seeds of truth might put forth their first * Adrien Balllet, Hist, des Dfirafilds de Boniface VIII. avcc Philippe le Bel. Paris, 1708. < Guicciardini, StlMa dUUIia. - I will destroy the nanw of Babylon. 3 Scultet. Annal. ad ann. 1620. 22 D’AUBIGNlS’S HISTOilY I shoots, without being uprooted by the tern- I pests around them. ^ No one was better adapted for this noble ministry. Frederick possessed the esteem of alJ, and enjoyed the full confidence of the emperor. He even supplied his place when Maximilian was absent from Germany. His wisdom did not consist in the skilful exercise of a crafty policy, but in an enlightened, fiir- seging prudence ; the first principle of which was never from interested motives to infringe the laws of honour and of religion. At the same time, he felt the power of God’s word in his heart. One day, wlien the vicar-general Staupitz was with him, the conversation turned on those who were in the habit of delivering empty declamations from the pulpit. “ All discourses,” said the elector, “ that are filled only with subtleties and human traditions, are wonderfully cold and unimpressive ; since no subtlety can be advanced, that another subtlety cannot over- throw. The Holy t:k)ripturcs alone are clothed with such power and majesty, that, destroying all our learned reasoning-machines, they press us close, and compel us to say. Never man spake like this man.” Stiiupitz having expressed liimself entirely of that opinion, the elector shook him cordially by the hand and said : “ Promise me tliat you will always think the same.”* Frederick was precisely the prince required at the beginning of the Reformation. Too much wealcness on the part of the friends of this work would have allowed of its being crushed. Too much precipitation would have made the stonn burst fortii sootier, which from its very commencement began to gather in secret against it. Frederick was moderate but firm. He possessed that virtue which God requires at all times in those who love his ways ; he waited for God. He put in practice the wise counsel of Gamaliel ; “ If this work be of men, it will come to nought; but if it be of God, ye cannot overthrow it.”* Things are come to such a pass,” said this prince to Spengler of Nuremberg, one of the most enlightened men of his day, “ that man can do no more ; God alone must act. For this reason we place in his powerful hands these mighty works that are too difficult for us.” Providence claims our admiration in the choice it made of such a ruler to protect its rising work. 1 QuI pra multls poUeb«i principibus alils, auctoiHato. opibus, pot«ntia. liberalltata et inagtilllMntla. Cochlaus, Acta L., p. 2 . 2 Lulo. Epp. * Acts V. 39. OF THE REFORMATION. CHAPTER V. Popular Peollngr—Tho Empfro—Provldcntfal Preparations —Jnjpulse of tho Beformation— Peace— The Ounimonalty — National Character— Papal Yolie— State of the Empire —Opposition at Home— Middle Classes— Switserlaud— Courage— Liberty— Smaller Cantons— Italy— Obstacles to the Reform — Spain— Obstacles— Portugal— France— Pre- parations— Disappointment— The Low Countries— Eng- land— Scotland'— The North— Russia— Poland— Bohemia —Hungary. Wb have sCen God’s preparations among the princes for tho work he was about to accom- plish : let us now consider what they were among their subjects. It would have been of less importance for the chiefs to have been ready, if the nations themselves bad not been so. The discoveries made by the kings had acted gradually upon the people. The wisest of them began to grow accustomed to the idea that the bishop of Rome was a mere man, and sometimes even a very bad man. Tho people in genera! began to sus- pect that he was not much holier than their own bishops, whose reputation was very equivocal. 'Fhe licentiousness of the popes excited the indignation of Christendom, and a hatred of the Roman name was deeply seated in tho hearts of nations.^ Numerous causes at the same time facili- ■ tated the emancipation of the various countries i of the West. Let us cast a glance over their ! condition at this period. j The Empire was a confederation of different states, having an emperor at their head, and i each possessing sovereign^ within its own | territories. The Imperial Diet, composed of j all the princes or sovereign states, exercised the legislative power for all tho Germanic body. It was tlie emperor’s duty to ratify tho laws, decrees, and recesses of this assem- bly, and he had the charge of applying them and putting them into execution. The seven most powerful princes, under the title of Electors, had the privilege of conferring the imperial crown. The north of Germany, inhabited princi- pally by the ancient Saxon race, had acquired the greatest portion of liberty. The emperor, whose hereditary possessions were conti- nually harassed by the Turks, was compelled to keep on good terms with these princes and their courageous subjects, who were at that time necessary to him. Several free cities in the north, west, and south of the empire, had by their commerce, manufac- tures, and industry, attained a hi^h degree of prosperity, and consequentlv of independ- epce. The powerful house of Austria, which wore the imperial crown, held most of the states of soutliorn Germany in its power, and narrowly watched every movement. It Was preparing to extend its dominion over tho whole of the empire, and even beyond it, when the Reformation raised a powerful 1 Odiam Romani nominls, pehitua Inexum esae multarum gentium anfmis oninor, ob «a, aute yulgo de morlbufl dJua »«kU lai.Att.iit.iir Krariin. Bnn. Hb. xH. D. 630. 23 D'AUBiaN^® HISTORY OP THE EBPOBMATION. barxier Against its encroachxnents, and savec the indeTOndenoe of Europe. As JucUsa, when ChristianityfirBt appeared, was in the centre of the old world, so (^rman v was the centre of Christendom. It touched, at tlie same time, on the Low Countries, England, France, Switzerland, Italy, Hun- gary, Bohemia, Poland, Denmark, and all the North. It was in the very heart ol Europe that this principle of life was destined 1 to be developed, and its pulsations were to circulate through the arteries of this great body the generous blood that was appomted to vivify all its members. The particular form of constitution which the empire had received, conformably with the dispensations of Providence, favoured the propagation of new ideas. If (Germany had been a monarchy strictlv so called, like France or England, the arbitrary will of the sovereign mi^it have sufficed to check for a while 3ie progress of the Gospel. But it was a confederation. The truth, opposed in one state, might bo received with favour in : anotlier. The internal peace that Maximilian had secured to the empire was no less favourable to the Keformation. For a long time, the numerous members of the Germanic body seemed to have taken a pleasure in tearing each other to pieces. Nothing had been seen but confusion, discord, and wars incessantly renewed. Neighbours were against neigh- bours, town against town, nobles against nobles. Maximilian had laid a firm founda- tion of public order in the Imperial Chamber, an institution appointed to decide all difier- ences between the various states. The German nations, after so many disorders and anxieties, saw the beginning of a now era of security and repose. Nevertheless Germany, when Luther appeared, still presented to tiie eye of the observer that motion which agi- tates the sea after a storm of long continu- ance. The calm was yet uncertain. The first breeze might make the tempest burst forth anew. Of this wo shall see more than one example. The Reformation, by commu- nicating a new impulse to the German race, for ever destroyed the old causes of agitation. It put an end to the barbarous system that had hitherto prevailed, and gave a new one to Europe. Meanwhile the religion of Jesus Clirist had exerted on Germany its peculiar in- fluence. The third estate (the commonalty) had rapidly advanced. In the different parts of the empire, particularly in the free cities, numerous institutions arose, calculated to develop this imposing mass of the people. There the arts flourish^ed ; the burghers de- voted themselves in security to the tranquil labours and sweet relations of social life. They b^me more and more accessible to information. T bus they daily acquired greater respect and influence. It was not magis- trates, who arc often compelled to adapt their 2 conduct to the political exigencies of the times ; or nobles passionately fond of mili- tary glory above ail things ; or an ambitious and greedy priesthood, trading with religion as its peculiar property, that were to found the Reformation in Germany. It was to be the work of the middle classes — of the people — of the whole nation. The peculiar character of the Germans seemed especially favourable to a religious reformatioiL They had not been enervated 1 by a false civilisation. The precious seeds that the fear of God deposits among a people had not been scattered to the winds. An- cient manners still survived. In Germany was found that uprightness, fidelity, and industry — ^that perseverance and religious disposition, whicn still flourishes there, and which promises greater success to the Gospel than the fickle, scornful, and sensual charac- ter of other European nations. The Germans had received from Rome that great element of modem civilisation — the faith.. Instruction, knowledge, legisla- tion — all except their courage and their arms — ^had come to them from the sacerdotal city. Strong ties had from that time con- nected Germany with the Papacy. The former was a spiritual conquest of the latter, and we know to what use Rome has always applied her conquests. Other nations; who had possessed the faith and civilisation before the Roman Pontiff existed, had maintained a greater independence with respect to it. But this subjection of the Germans was destined only to make the reaction more powerful at the moment of awakening. When the eyes of Germany should be opened, she would tear away the trammels in which she had so long been held captive. The slavery she had en- dured would give her a greater longing for deliverance and liberty, and the hardy champions of tnith would go forth from that prison of restraint and discipline in which for ages her people had been confined. There was at that time in Germany some- thing very nearly resembling what in the political language of our days is termed a see-saw system.” When the head of the empire was of an energetic character, his power increased ; when on the contrary he possessed little ability, the influence and authority of the princes and electors were augmented. Never had the latter felt more in^pendent of their chief than under Maxi- . , . milian at the period of the Reformation. And their leader having taken part against it, it is easy to understand how that very circum- stance was favourable to the propagation of the Gospel. In addition to this, Germany was weary of what Rome contemptuously denominated “ the patience of the Germans.” The latter had in truth shown much patience since the time of Louis of Bavaria. From thaj period the emperors had laid, down their arms, and the tiara had been placed without resistance 4 _ „ FAUWCaJ^B HISTORY OP THE REFORMATION. above the crown of tlie Ceesars. But the ' strife had only changed its scene of action. It had descended to lower ground. These same struggles, of which popes and emperors liad set the world an example, were soon renewed on a smaller scale in every city of Germany between the bishops and the magis- trates. The burghers had taken up the sword which the chiefs of the empire had let /all. As earlj aa 1329, the citizens ofi I Frankfort-on-tbiB-OdGr had reaiated with in- / trepidity all their ecclesiastical superiors. Having been excommunicated for their fide- lity to tne Margrave Louis, they had remained for twenty-eight years without masses, bap- tism, marriage ceremonies, or funeral rites. The return of the priests and monks was greeted with laughter, like a comedy or farce. A deplorable error, no doubt, but the priests themselves were the cause of it. At the period of the Reformation these oppositions oetween the magistrates and the ecclesiastics had increased. Every hour the privileges and temporal assumptions of the clergy brought these two bodies into collision. But it was not only among the burgo- masters, councillors, and secretaries of tlie cities that Rome and her clergy found oppo- nents. About the same time the indignation was at work among the populace. It broke out in 1493, and later in 1502, in the Rhenish { irovinces : the peasants, exasperated at the leavy yoke imposed upon them by their ecclesiastical sovereigns, formed among them- selves what has been called the “ League of the Shoes.” They be^an to assemble by night in Alsace, repainng by unfrequented paths to isolated hills, where they swore to pay in future no taxes but such as they had freely consented to, to abolish all tolls and jalage} to limit the power of the priests, and to plunder the Jews. Then placing a pea- sant’s shoo on the end of a pole by way of standard, they maixjhcd against the town of Schlettstadt, proposing to call to their assist- ance the free confederation of the Swiss : but they were soon dispersed. This was only one of the symptoms of the general fermen- tation that agitated the castles, towns, and rural districts of the empire. Thus, every where, from high to low, was heard a hollow murmur, forerunner of the thunderbolt that was soon to fall. Germany appeared ripe for the appointed task of the V sixteenth century. Providence in its slow progress had prepared every thing; and even the passions which God condemns, were directed oy his almighty hand to the accom- plishment of his designs. Let us take a glance at the other nations of Europe. Thirteen small republics, placed with their allies in the centre of Europe, among moun- tains which seemed to form its citadel, com- , posed a simple and brave nation. Who 1 by Mtiaf ^ seignorlal duty levied upon wine lold I would have looked in those sequestered valleys for the men whom God would choose to be the liberators of the Church conjointly with the children of the Germans? Who would have thought that small unknown ■ cities— -scarcely raised above barbarism, hid- den behind inaccessible mountains, on the shores of lakes that had found no name in history — would surpass, as regards Chris- tianity, even Jerusalenif Anticx^y EpheeuB, Corinthy and Romo ? NevertheleaSy such was the will of Him who “cauaethit to rain upon one piece of land, and the piece of land vmereupon it raineth not, withereth.”' Other circumstances besides seemed des- tined to oppose numerous obstacles to the process of the Reformation in the bosom of i the Helvetic population. If the obstructions i of power were to be dreaded in a monarcliy, j the precipitancy of the people was to be ; feared in a democracy. ! But in Switzerland, also, the way had been ; prepared for the truth. It was a wild but 1 generous stock, that had been sheltered in I her deep valleys, to be grafted one day with a fruit of great value. Providence had scat- tered among these new people principles of courage, independence, and liberty, that were ; to be developed in all their majesty, so soon i as the d^ of battle against Rome should ; arrive. llie pope had conferred upon the Swiss the title of Protectors of the Liberty of the Church. But they seem to have understood this honourable appellation in a , sense somewhat different from the pontiff. If their soldiers guarded the pope beneath ; the shadow of the ancient Capitol, their citizens carefully protected in the bosom of the Alps their own religious liberties against the assaults of the pope and of the clergy. | The ecclesiastics were forbidden to have , recourse to any foreign jurisdiction. The , “ Letter of the IMests” (Pfaffenbrief, 1370) ! was a strong protest of Swiss independence : against the abuses and power of the clergy. ' Zurich was distinguished among all the states by its courageous resistance to the claims of Rome. Geneva, at the other extremity of Switzerland, was contending : with its bishop. These two cities distin- j guished themselves above all the others in ; the great struggle that we have undertaken | to describe. ! But if the Helvetian towns, accessible to ' every amelioration, w’^ere to be drawn into i the reform movement, it was not to be the I case with the inhabitants of the mountains, i Knowledge h{id not yet reached them. These ; cantons, the founders of Swiss liberty, proud i of the part they had taken in the great struggle for independence, were not easily disposed to imitate their younger brothers of the plain. Why should they change that faith under which they had expefled* the Austrian, and which had consecrated by D^ATJBIGNilS HISTORY OP THE REFORMATIOK. altars all the scenes of their triumphs? Their The Reformation had thus little prospect priests were the only enlightened rades to of success on that side the Alps. Never- whom they could have recourse ; meir wor- thelcss, there were found beyond these moun- ship and their festivals relieved the monotony tains souls prepared to receive the light of of their tranquil hours, and agreeably dis- the Gospel, and Italy was not at that hour turbed the silence of their peaceful homes, entirely disinherited. They remained steadfast agmnst all religious Spain possessed what Italy did not — a innovations. serious, noble-minded, and religiously dis- the holy hmd of ChristGiidom, Whence the membera of its clergy, and it was sum- could Europe have looked for the good of ciently remote from Komo to bo able to throw the Church if not from Italy — if not from olf its yoke without difficulty. There are Rome? Might not that power which raised few nations in which wc mwit have more successively so many difmrent characters to reasonably hoped for a revival of that primi- the pontifical chair, some day place in it a tive Christianity which Spain had received S intiff who would become an instrument of perhaps from the hands ot St. Paul himself, essing to the heritage of the Lord ? If even And yet Spain did not rise up among the blessing to the heritage of the Lord ? If even And yet Spain did not rise up among the there was no hope in the pontiflis, were there nations. She was to fulfil this prophecy of not bishops and councils that miglit reform Divine wisdom : The first shall be last, Va- the Church ? Nothing good can come out of rious circumstances led to this mournful Nazareth : but from Jerusalem, — from Rome I ... Such might have been the ideas of men ; result. Spain, considering its isolated position and but God's thoughts are not as their distance from Gennany, would be affected thoughts.” He said, “ He that is filthy let only in a slight degree by the shocks of that him be filthy still ;”i and alwindoned Italy great eartli quake which so violently agita- to her unrighteousness. That land of ancient ted the empire. It was occupied, besides, renown was by turns the victim of intestine war and of foreign invasion. The strata- with very different treasures from those which the word of God was then offering to gems of policy, the violence of factions, the the nations. The new world eclipsed the strife of anns, seemed alone destined to pre- vail there, and to banish for a long season the peace of the Gospel. Italy, broken to pieces, dismembered, and eternal world. A virgin soil, which seemed to consist of gold and silver, inflamed the Imaginations of all. An eager thirst for wealth left no room in tlie Spanish heart for without unity, appeared but little suited to nobler thoughts. A powerful clergy, having receive one general impulse. Each frontier scaffolds and treasures at its disposal, ruleii was a new barrier where the truth would be in the peninsula. Spain willingly rendered stopped. a servile obedience to her priests, which, by And if the truth was destined to come releasing her from every spiritual anxiety, from the North, how could the Italians, with left her free to give way to her passions, — so refined a taste, and with social habits so to go in pursuit of riches, discoveries, and delicate in their own eyes, condescend to rc- new continents. Victorious over the Moors, ceive any thing from the barbarous Ger- she had, at the cost of her noblest blood, torn mans ? Were the men who bestowed more the crescent from the walls of Granada and admiration on the regular cadence of a sonnet many other cities, and planted the cross of tlian on the majesty and simplicity of the Scriptures, a proper soil for the seed of the dirist in its place. This great zeal for diristianity, which appeared destined to word of God ? A false civilisation is, of all afford the liveliest expectations, turned the various conditions of a nation, that which against the truth. How could Catholic is most repugnant to the Gospel. Spain, which hod crushed infidelity, fail to Finally, whatever might be the state of oppose heresy ? How could those who had affairs, Rome was always Rome to Italy, driven Mahomet from their beautiful coun- The temporal power of the popes not only try allow I.uther to penetrate into it ? Their led the different Italian states to court their kings did even more : they equipped fleets alliance and their favour at any cost, but tbo against the Reformation, and went to Hol- universal dominion of Rome offered more land and England in search of it, that they than one inducement to the avarice and might subdue it. But these attacks elevated vanity of the ultra-montane states. As soon the nations assailed ; and erelong Spain was as it became a question of emancipating the crushed by their united power. Thus, In rest of the world from Rome, Itmy would consequence of tlie Reformation, did this Ca- become Italy again ; domestic quarrels would tholic country lose that temporal prosperity not prevail to the advantage of a foreign which had made it at first reject ^he spiri- system ; and attacks aimed against the chief tual liberty of the Gospel. Neverthe^si^, of the peninsular family would be sufficient the dwellers beyond the Pyrenees were a to awaken common interests and affections brave and generous race. Many of its noble from their long slumber. children, with the-«